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UNIVERSITY OF NEBRASKA 

STUDIES IN 

LANGUAGE, LITERATURE, AND CRITICISM 

Number 3 



ETHNIC IDEALS OF THE BRITISH 
ISLES 



BY 



CONSTANCE RUMMONS, A. M. 



EDITORIAL COMMITTEE 

Louise Pound, Ph.D., Department of English 

H. B. Alexander, Ph. D., Department of Philosophy 

H. H. Vaughan, Ph. D., Department of Romance Languages 



LINCOLN 

19 2 



UNIVERSITY OF NEBRASKA 

STUDIES IN 

LANGUAGE, LITERATURE, AND CRITICISM 

Number 3 



ETHNIC IDEALS OF THE BRITISH 
ISLES 



BY 



CONSTANCE RUMMONS, A. M. 



EDITORIAL COMMITTEE 

Louise Pound, Ph.D., Department of English 

H. B. Alexander, Ph. D., Department of Philosophy 

H. H. Vaughan, Ph. D., Department of Romance Languages 



LINCOLN 
19 20 






| LIBRARY OF CONGKFSS 

RECEIVED 

j NOV 2-1922 

V1CUMENT5 :'■ v 



ETHNIC IDEALS OF THE BRITISH ISLES 

Introduction 

1. The history of a people can be read truly only in 
the light of its ideals. To study only the recorded acts of 
men is to see only a series of phenomena that are often in- 
comprehensible and apparently erratic. What a mad affair 
the Crusades must seem to one who knows nothing of medi- 
aeval religious ideals! How inexplicable would appear the 
courageous resistance of Belgium to a student in a later age 
who should have no knowledge of contemporary thought, and 
should be unable to see the principles for which she stood! 
Any judgment of a human action which leaves out of account 
the ideas which prompted it must be vain: it is only by 
means of a sympathetic comprehension of men's ideals that 
we may justly estimate their achievements and their fail- 
ures. We cannot know the reality of history so long as we 
are content with an outward view. 

Racial ideals may be bodied forth in many ways. In- 
deed, if they are truly ideals, they must be reflected in every 
phase of racial life. Greek ideals are expressed as much in 
the Parthenon as in the works of Aristotle or the battle 
of Marathon, and are equally contrasted with mediaeval 
ideals as expressed in a Gothic cathedral, the theology of 
Thomas Aquinas, or the First Crusade. But more con- 
cretely than anywhere else they are embodied in the heroes 
of racial myth and legend, those creatures of the popular 
fancy, molded in the image, not of men as they are, but 
of men as they would be. 

It has frequently been pointed out that imagination 
is the mother of discontent. Men who have no faculty for 
depicting to themselves a different state of things from that 
they know remain satisfied with their lot : they are not the 
stuff of which revolutionists are made. But it would be 
possible to defend the converse thesis: that it is discontent 
which gives birth to imagination. Man, plodding on his 
own two feet, watches the graceful flight of a bird, and 
straightway he dreams of angels. 



4 Studies in Language and Literature 

Of such character are most of the earlier creations of 
the human fancy. Feeling the irksome limitations of time 
and space imposed on him by his own nature, man pictures 
beings which, though like himself in other points, are yet 
free from these limitations, — beings with immortal life, or 
capable of transporting themselves from place to place at 
will. Accordingly he pictures in his heroes his own desires, 
and in them he lives the fuller and freer life that is denied 
to himself. 

In the realm of morals man has equally realized his 
own imperfections, — a realization that is practically uni- 
versal among all men who have risen above the state of 
savagery. Simultaneously with this realization comes the 
setting up of ideal standards of conduct, — standards to 
which man would conform if he could and by which he 
judges the conduct of others as well as his own. Such 
standards may be expressed by man in two forms, — one, 
the abstract form of moral maxims, the other, the concrete 
form of a hero who himself embodies the standard and 
exemplifies it in his conduct. 

The importance of the latter form as a means of popu- 
lar education can hardly be over-estimated. "Even as the 
child is often brought to take most wholesome things, by 

hiding them in such other as have a pleasant taste 

So it is in men, most of which are childish in the best 
things, till they be cradled in their graves, — glad they will 
be to hear the tales of Hercules, Cyrus, iEneas ; and hear- 
ing them, must needs hear the right description of wisdom, 
valor, and justice ; which, if they had been barely, that is 
to say philosophically set out, they would swear they be 
brought to school again/" What Sydney wrote of Eliza- 
bethan England is true in all ages and among all nations. 
The Greeks recognized in Homer "the schoolmaster of Hel- 
las," and made his poems the principal part of the curricu- 
lum of their schools. But among primitive and semi- 



'Sidney, Apologie for Poetrie. 



Ethnic Ideals of the British Isles 5 

civilized peoples particularly, traditional literature is one 
of the chief means of transmitting racial ideals. Such 
literature is, therefore, a valuable source for the study of 
the ideals, especially the moral ideals, of a people. 

2. The object of this essay is the study and compari- 
son of the ideals of the various inhabitants of the British 
Isles, from the earliest times to the end of the Middle Ages, 
as exemplified in certain of the heroes of their popular litera- 
ture. For this purpose I have selected Beowulf as the 
typical hero of the Anglo-Saxons, Cuchulainn for the Irish, 
and the Arthur of Malory for the Middle English. Scarcity 
of materials makes it impossible to choose any single hero 
from the early Welsh literature; therefore it has been de- 
cided to consider the different heroes presented to us in the 
Mabinogion and the early Welsh poetry. 

The study of these characters makes obvious the dif- 
ferences in temperament and culture between the peoples 
that created them. Beowulf is a sturdy loyal hero, who 
champions his people, unafraid, against perils by land and 
sea. Life is to him a scarcely intermittent struggle, whose 
respites of feasting and pleasure are brief at best. He 
knows his strength, and glories in it when boasts are ex- 
changed at the banquet table. But he has no illusions : the 
inevitability of fate is clear to him. He knows his appointed 
hour must come, and he is resolved to meet it calmly. And 
so he does, fatally wounded by the poisonous bite of the 
dragon, while fighting, as ever, in the defense of his people. 
They, sorrowing, praise him as a wise king, liberal of gifts, 
kind to all men. A stern existence was his, and stern and 
steady were his virtues. The calm, uninflammable Germanic 
temperament, slow and reflective, is admirably revealed in 
his character. 

Far different is the wild Irishman, Cuchulainn. Phy- 
sically, he is gifted with a strength far more exaggerated 
than Beowulf's, combined with a dexterity that enables him 
to perform the feats of a gymnast and of a juggler. His 



6 Studies in Language and Literature 

appearance is fantastic in the extreme : he is endowed with 
extra digits and hair of three colors; while in the rage of 
battle he undergoes a hideous and remarkable distortion 
that strikes terror to the hearts of foes. In his extreme 
youth he performs prodigious exploits, and his later deeds 
fulfill his early promise. His terrible combats, however, are 
usually of his own seeking and for his personal aggrandize- 
ment, seldom in the defense of his country. He meets his 
death at an early age, entrapped by the magical wiles of his 
enemies. He is ever rash and headstrong, subject to fits of 
temper, followed sometimes, but not always, by generous 
attempts to make amends. Women, with whom Beowulf 
had little to do, adore Cuchulainn, even when he treats them 
with discourtesy or with violence. His powers and his 
deeds are the admiration and the envy of men. He is ever 
eager for fame, and brooks no rivalry. Thus, in his rage, 
he slays his old friend, Ferdia, for daring to come against 
him when he is holding the ford against Medb's cham- 
pions. So, also, he slays his only son, who defies him when 
he demands his name. His poignant regret cannot undo 
the consequences of his wrath, but it makes a powerful 
appeal to our sympathy for this hero, who is in some re- 
- spects so much a child. Perhaps its very youthf ulness is the 
secret of the great charm of the Celtic temperament. Pru- 
dence, caution, second-thought, the colder virtues of age do 
not belong to it. It is ever fiery, unmanageable, quick- 
witted and quick-tempered, selfish with the thoughtless self- 
ishness of youth, forever rushing into actions and forever 
bewailing the consequences of its mistakes. 

The Cymric heroes represent the Celtic temperament at 
a later period, when the refining influence of chivalry had 
imposed a restraint upon wilder extravagance. They are 
romantic, rather than fantastic, gentler in manner and 
spirit. Their deeds are not feats of prodigious strength, 
but reveal only the permissible exaggeration of romance. 
The dreamy Welsh fancy casts an enchanting faery glamour 



Ethnic Ideals of the British Isles 7 

Over their characters and achievements, which sometimes 
deepens to a tinge of mysticism. 

The Arthurian legends in their ultimate form, the 
Morte Darthur, represent the spirit and ideals, not of medi- 
aeval England only, but of most of Western Europe, which 
was then remarkably homogeneous in culture. The frame- 
work of the legends was Cymric, but every nation had a 
hand in shaping them. They thus represent, as did the 
culture of the period, a fusion of Germanic and Celtic ideals, 
greatly modified by the spirit of Catholic Christianity and 
by what of Latin culture it had kept alive. Arthur, regarded 
as the founder and exemplar of the great mediaeval institu- 
tion of chivalry, was the hero par excellence of mediaeval 
civilization. Honorable, generous, brave, just and merci- 
ful, gentle in demeanor and humble in his own estimation, 
courteous to all, he is the very pattern of knighthood. As 
a ruler, he upheld the chivalric ideal to his court, establish- 
ing the great order of the Round Table, whose members 
were pledged to act always as true knights. He might well 
be called the culture hero of mediaeval Europe. 

3. It is noteworthy that each of these heroes was of 
noble or royal birth. Cuchulainn, indeed, was the son of a 
Celtic deity, metamorphosed, as were all his kind after the 
coming of Christianity, into a fairy; and several of the 
Welsh heroes are similarly provided with divine progeni- 
tors. Beowulf, whose father was not a king, though his 
mother was a royal princess, is the lowest in birth of those 
whom we are to study. There is, in fact, little reference to 
class distinctions in Beotvulf. When Hrothgar's coast- 
guard exclaims 

"no henchman he, 
worthied by weapons, if witness his features, 
his peerless presence!" 1 



Beowulf, 11. 249-251. This and all other quotations from Beowulf 
follow Professor Gummere's translation in The Oldest English Epic. 
(1909.) 



8 Studies in Language and Literature 

he may refer to the external evidences either of aristocratic 
birth or of superior character, — which of these is intended 
is rather hard to tell. In general, we infer that the society 
of Beowulf was almost homogeneous, and that warriors 
were distinguished usually for character and achievements 
rather than for their superior birth. Indeed, English society 
remained comparatively simple down to the time of the 
Conquest, — the father of King Harold began life as a cow- 
herd. 

A clearer differentiation between classes may occa- 
sionally be seen in the Irish society of the Ulster cycle. 
There we have servants, who are distinctly considered as 
inferior to the aristocracy of warriors. It is beneath Cu- 
chulainn's dignity, for instance, to kill a charioteer. 1 How- 
ever, society was still fairly simple when a smith enter- 
tained a king and his train at dinner,' and kings and queens 
alike went on cattle-raids.' 

Class-distinctions are very plainly drawn in the Welsh 
tales. When Manawyddan undertakes to win his bread 
by working at a trade, his family protest that it is un- 
worthy of his rank, and when his competitors, driven out 
of business by his skill, band themselves to slay him, his 
fiery stepson, Pryderi, wishes to meet them in arms and 
considers it dishonorable to run away from tradesmen, even 
in superior numbers/ This episode shows a distinct differ- 
entiation of the military aristocracy from the manufacturing 
class, and points also to the existence of organizations re- 
sembling the trade-guilds, if not identical with them. 

The aristocratic elements in the Morte Darthur are so 
obvious that it is not necessary to point them out. The 



'Eleanor Hull, The CuehuMn Saga in Irish Literature (1898), p 
156. 

'Ibid., p. 138. 

*Ibid., "The Tain bo Cuailgne," p. 111. See also Leahy, Heroic 
Romances of Ireland, (1906), p. 11, "Tain bo Fraich," etc. 

*The Mabinogion, Translated by Lady Charlotte Guest. Every- 
man's Library edition, (1906), p. 51. 



Ethnic Ideals of the British Isles 9 

Arthurian literature was pre-eminently a literature of the 
aristocracy, written for kings and courts. Yet the stories 
had a vitality among the people, too ; and in a certain sense 
they represent the people. For a small class, no matter 
how efficient in a military way, cannot rule the masses of 
the people by force alone: government must always be, in 
some measure, by the consent of the governed. No aris- 
tocracy that is universally detested can continue to exist: 
it can only endure because the populace admire the aristo- 
crats and their ideals. The basis of feudalism was the 
esteem in which the knightly virtues were held by the 
common people. Hence we are justified in taking Arthur 
as the type of the mediaeval hero. 

4. The sources upon which this study is based are, as 
has been intimated, the literary monuments of the peoples 
in question. The manuscript of Beowulf is one of the 
oldest in the English tongue, dating from the tenth cen- 
tury. The date of composition is not certain, but the weight 
of opinion seems to favor the seventh century or the begin- 
ning of the eighth. The Beowulf legend is Continental in 
origin, but had very probably passed into England before 
assuming final shape. In any case the peoples among whom 
it originated were closely allied in blood, language, and 
customs, to the Angles and Saxons ; and the inferences which 
may be drawn from it have validity when applied to the 
latter also. 

The Irish tales of which Cuchulainn is the principal 
figure are grouped together as the "Ulster cycle," or the 
"Cuchulainn cycle," and are among the earliest examples of 
Celtic literature. The manuscripts in which most of them 
are found are of the eleventh to the fifteenth centuries, the 
most famous being the eleventh-century Leabhar na hUidri 
(Book of the Dun Cow), a copy of an older manuscript of 
the same name, which contains among other stories a ver- 
sion of the "Irish epic," the Tain bo Cuailgne, the longest 
and most important tale of the cycle. The dates of compo- 



10 Studies in Language and Literature 

sition are matters of controversy: some may be as early 
as the sixth or seventh century, and few of them can be 
later than the eleventh. The material is at least partly 
mythological, though the Irish annalists of the ninth to 
twelfth centuries endeavored to give it a historical back- 
ground. In origin it appears to be later than the "mytho- 
logical cycle," which relates the deeds of the gods, but it 
has many points of connection with the former.' 

The sources for the Welsh heroes are two, the older 
tales of Lady Guest's Mabinogion, and the poems of the 
four "ancient books" of Wales. The manuscript of the 
Mabinogion stories dates from the fourteenth century. The 
first four tales, which constitute the Mabinogi of the four 
branches, are mythological and prehistoric in origin, but 
in their present forms are probably not much older than 
the eleventh century. The next two stories, which are not 
of great importance in our study, originated in the Roman 
period or later. The first two of the Arthurian tales, 
Kilhwch and Olwen and the Dream of Rhonabwy, belong 
to the period before Continental influence had modified the 
aboriginal forms of the Arthurian legend, probably to the 
twelfth century. 2 The manuscripts of the four "ancient 
books" were written from the twelfth to the fifteenth cen- 
turies. The dates of composition of the poems they contain 
are highly uncertain, but it would be safe to say that most 
of them are at least several hundred years older than the 
manuscripts, while, according to Skene, some belong to the 
sixth and seventh centuries.' 



*For the manuscripts and dates of composition, see Encyclopedia 
Britannica (eleventh edition) "Celtic Literature," I, also Leahy, Heroic 
Romances of Ireland, I, Introduction. For the mythological aspects, 
see MacCulloch, Celtic Mythology, Ch. XII. 

Mabinogion, Introduction by R. Williams. 

'Skene, Four Ancient Books of Wales, I, Introduction. See also 
Encyclopedia Britannica, "Celtic Literature," IV. 



Ethnic Ideals of the British Isles 11 

Concerning the Morte Darthur a brief statement will be 
sufficient. It was compiled, "oute of certeyn books of 
frensshe," in the year 1469-70, "by syr Thomas Maleore 
knyght," and published by Caxton in 1485. Malory's exact 
sources are not known, but they were probably some versions 
of the French prose romances of Merlin, Launcelot, Tris- 
tram, etc. 1 His version is important as being the definitive 
form of the Arthurian romances. Coming, as it does, just 
at the end of the Middle Ages, it forms a fitting monument 
to mediaeval culture and ideals. 

II 
Physical Characteristics 

5. It may, perhaps, be said that the physical charac- 
teristics of a hero are unimportant in such a study as this, 
— that they have small bearing upon the ideals of a people. 
But a little thought should show that this is not the case. 
Much is to be learned of the habits and aspirations of a 
folk from the physical traits with which they have endowed 
their favorite legendary heroes. If such traits are seldom 
mentioned, that, too, is significant. Certain it is, at any 
rate, that the difference between the Anglo-Saxon and the 
Irish ideals is as marked in the physical characteristics of 
Beowulf and Cuchulainn as in any other characteristics. 

6. It is, of course, natural that one of the earliest 
of man's ideals should be the preternaturally strong man. 
Living under primitive conditions, contending with the for- 
ces of nature, often outmatched in power by the brutes with 
which he must strive, he dreams of a being, one of his own 
kind, who yet is able to tear up trees and to wield them as 
weapons, and to grapple with the huge beasts of the forests 
and the wilds and rend them asunder. It is such dreams as 
these that have given us a Hercules, a Samson, a Beowulf. 



'For full discussion, see Sommer, Studies on the Sources of Le 
MorU Darthur, in Malory, Morte Darthur, III. 



12 Studies in Language and Literature 

Sheer strength is one of Beowulf's most prominent 
characteristics. We are early informed that he is famous 

for having 

"thirty men's 
heft of grasp in the gripe of his hand." 1 

He fights usually in primitive fashion, hand to hand, with- 
out aid of weapons: indeed, we are told that 

'twas granted him not 
that ever the edge of iron at all 
could help him at strife: too strong was his hand, 
so the tale is told, and he tried too far 
with strength of stroke all swords he wielded, 
though sturdy their steel; they steaded him not." 

This, however, seems an exaggeration, for a sword, — not 
of mortal make, it is true, — saved his life in the combat with 
Grendel's dam, and in his account of his swimming-match 
with Breca he speaks of using his sword against the 
"nicors" : 

"Me thus often the evil monsters 

thronging threatened, with thrust of my sword, 

the darling, I dealt them due return."* 

But with Grendel he wrestled bare-handed, and here 
the might of his terrible grasp is proved indeed : 

Soon then saw that shepherd-of-evils 

that never he met in this middle-world, 

in the ways of the earth, another wight 

with heavier hand-gripe; at heart he feared, 

sorrowed in soul, — none the sooner escaped!* 
****** 

Wonder it was that the wine-hall firm 

in the strain of their struggle stood, to earth 

the fair house fell not; too fast it was 



'Beorvulf, 11. 379-380. 
Ubid, 11. 2681-2687. 
'Ibid., 11. 559-561. 
'Ibid., 11. 2682-2687. 



Ethnic Ideals of the British Isles 13 

within and without by its iron bands 
craftily clamped; though there crashed from sill 
many a mead-bench — men have told me — 
gay with gold where the grim foes wrestled. 1 
****** 

For him the keen-souled kinsman of Hygelac 

held in hand, hateful alive 

was each to other. The outlaw dire 

took mortal hurt, a mighty wound 

showed on his shoulder, and sinews cracked, 

and the bone-frame burst.' 

Besides Beowulf's strength of grasp, he had another 
remarkable physical endowment, — his strength and endur- 
ance as a swimmer. In boyhood, out of bravado, he, with a 
comrade, Breca, undertook the extraordinary feat of re- 
maining for a week in the ocean. In this test of skill and 
endurance, Beowulf, although attacked by monsters, was 
successful, as he is not too modest to declare when Unferth, 
one of Hrothgar's warriors, repeats a false report of his 
failure: 

"Truth I claim it, 
that I had more of might in the sea 
than any man else, more ocean-endurance."* 

It is another swimming-feat which brings the epic into 
its closest relations with recorded history. Gregory of 
Tours chronicled the raid on Frisian territory by the Geats 
under Hygelac, in which the invaders were defeated and 
their leader fell. After this defeat, according to the poem, 
Beowulf, having avenged his uncle's death on his slayer, 
escaped by swimming — apparently across the ocean to his 
home. 

Thence Beowulf fled 
through strength of himself and his swimming 1 

power, 
though alone, and his arms were laden with 

thirty 
coats of mail when he came to the sea! 4 



l Beoumlf, 11. 771-777. 'Ibid., 11. 532-534. 

'Ibid., 1L 813-818. 'Ibid., 11. 2359-2365. 



14 Studies in Language and Literature 

Of a somewhat different character are the endowments 
of Cuchulainn. While his native powers are in many ways 
more marvelous than those of the Teutonic hero, they are 
but little stressed in comparison with his skill and dexterity. 
In one passage, in the Wooing of Emer, there are enumer- 
ated no less than twenty-three extraordinary "feats" which 
he learned of Scathach, the warrior-woman to the east of 
Alban (Great Britain) : "as well the apple-feat as the thun- 
der-feat, the blade-feat, the supine-feat, and the spear-feat, 
the rope-feat, the body-feat, the cat's feat, the salmon-feat 
of a chariot-chief," etc. It is this dexterity, particularly 
in the feat of the gae-bulga, which is of most avail to Cuchu- 
lainn in his many combats. 

But even before his education by Scathach, he showed 
remarkable prowess. At five years of age he came first to 
the court of his uncle, Conachar, king of Ulster. He be- 
guiled himself on the journey by throwing before him one 
after another his silver bail, his hurling stick, his javelin, 
and his spear, and then running forward so rapidly as to 
catch them all before they could fall to the ground.' Arrived 
at his destination, he introduced himself by overthrowing 
the whole "boy-troop" of Emania, some one hundred and 
fifty strong. A year after this, he slew the ban-dog of 
Culann, which was so terrible that no grown man dared 
face it. To make amends, he did watchdog's service in its 
place, whence he received his name, Cuchulainn — i. e., 
"hound of Culann."* 

Not content with these accomplishments, he persuaded 
his uncle to let him assume arms at the mature age of seven. 
Nor could any arms nor chariot serve him save Conachar's 
own: the others all broke when he tried them. Then, set- 
ting out to achieve some adventure, he fought and killed 



'Hull, Cuchullin Saga, p. 80. 

'Ibid., p. 136. Compare Hiawatha's feat of shooting an arrow into 
the air and running forward so swiftly that the arrow fell behind him. 
(Hiawatha, IV, 11. 7-10.) . , 

Hbid., pp. 137 ff. 



Ethnic Ideals of the British Isles 15 

the three sons of Nechtan Scean, who held a ford against 
all comers, and boasted that they had slain as many Ulster- 
men as there were alive at that day. He also performed 
some wonderful feats of hunting on the same occasion, and 
returned with his spoils to Emain Macha. 1 

It was on his return that he first exhibited one of his 
miraculous qualities, the heat that came upon him in battle. 
To cool him off, his friends were forced, upon this and other 
occasions, to plunge him into three vats of water succes- 
sively. When put into the first, he caused it to boil over; 
after he had been in the second, no man could bear the heat 
of it ; after he had been in the third, it had but a moderate 
heat. In this connection may be cited an incident in the 
T&in bd Cuailgne, when one of Medb's warriors was sent 
out, one morning, to treat with Cuchulainn. 

In the night .... there was a great fall of snow, whereby 
the five provinces at large were reduced to one dead level. Cu- 
chullin discarded the twenty-seven cunningly prepared under-shirts 
which with cords and ropes were secured about him ; and this he did to 
escape the difficulty that would arise in throwing them off, should his 
paroxysm come to the boiling point and he in them still. Anon, and 
for thirty feet all round his body, the snow melted with the intense 
heat generated in the hero's system; his charioteer, indeed, durst 
not come nigh him. 1 

We are given many instances of Cuchulainn's unusual 
strength and dexterity in other activities than fighting. For 
example : 

Cuchullin enters a wood, and there cuts a forked pole of four 
prongs, using but one sweep [of his sword] in the operation, i. e., to 

lop it both top and bottom Then out of the chariot's after-part 

and from the finger-tips of one hand he hurls it so as to make it pene- 
trate the ground up to two-thirds of its length. 8 



'Hull, Cuchullin Saga, pp. 145ff. 
'Ibid., p 159. 
'Ibid., p. 181. 



16 Studies in Language and Literature 

Again, when he wishes to make some chariot-poles, "Cu- 
chullin goes to work and by the simple process of drawing 
the poles through the interstices both of his toes and of his 
fingers, finishes them to perfect straightness and smooth- 
ness, all bark and protuberances cleaned away." 1 

Of his might and fury in battle there are many exam- 
ples : it will suffice to quote a few passages from the Tain bo 
Cuailgne descriptive of his combat with Ferdia. 

Each of them continued to thrust at, and to pierce through, and to 
redden and to tear the body of the other from the dawn of the morn- 
ing until the ninth hour of the evening; and if it had been the custom 
of birds in their flight to pass through the bodies of men, they could 
have passed through the bodies of those warriors that day.* 

Up sprang Cuchulain swift as the wind; quick as the swallow; 
fiery as the dragon; powerful as the lion; and he bounded into the 
air for the third time into the troubled clouds of it, until he lit upon 
the boss of the shield of Ferdia.* 

And so closely did they fight that they cast the river from its 
course, so that there might have been a couch fit for a king and a 
queen to lie in, there in the midst of the ford, for there was no drop of 
water left in it, except such as fell therein from off those two heroes 
and champions as they trampled and hewed at each other in the midst 
of the ford.* 

Cuchulainn, too, had wonderful powers of endurance. 
When Ulster was invaded by the forces of Medb and Ailill. 
the Ulstermen being at that time incapacitated by one of 
their periodical fits of debility, he alone defended his coun- 
try. It is related that "from the Monday immediately before 
Samhain [October 31] to the Wednesday next after the feast 
of Bridget [February 1] .... saving only a brief snatch 
at mid-day, he never slept."' 



'Hull, Cuchullin Saga, p. 156. 

*Leahy, Heroic Romances of Ireland, I, p. 136. 

'Ibid., I, p. 142. 'Hull, Cuchullin Saga, p. 171. 

*lbid., I, p. 143. ** 



Ethnic Ideals of the British Isles 17 

Physical strength is not so marked a characteristic of 
the Welsh heroes of the Mabinogion. These stories deal less 
with the exploits of the heroes and more with the marvelous 
events that befall them. However, we have some passages 
descriptive of combats, though these are much briefer than 
similar passages in Beowulf or the Ulster cycle. Pwyll, 
prince of Dyved, fights with Havgan in the place of Arawn, 
king of Annwvyn. 

Thereupon the two kings approached each other in the middle 
of the Ford and encountered, and at the first thrust, the man who was 
in the stead of Arawn struck Havgan on the center of the boss of his 
shield, so that it was cloven in twain, and his armour was broken, and 
Havgan himself was borne to the ground an arm's and a spear's 
length over the crupper of his horse, and received a deadly blow.' 

Lludd, king of Britain, encountered the giant who had 
oppressed his kingdom: "And a fierce encounter was 
between them, so that the glittering fire flew from their 
arms. And at the last Lludd grappled with him and fate 
bestowed the victory upon Lludd."* 

In the old Welsh poetry, much of which was composed 
in celebration of the valiant deeds of heroes, battle-prowess 
bears a more prominent part. In a tribute to Cai (Kay) 
we read 

Vanity were the foremost men 
Compared with Cai in battle. 
The sword in battle 

Was unerring in his hand. 

********* 

Heavy was his vengeance, ^ 

Severe his advance. 

When he drank from the horn. 

He would drink with four. 

To battle he would come 

By the hundred he would slaughter; 

There was no day that would satisfy him." 



^Mabinogwn, p. 16- 

'Ibid., p. 94. 

•Skene, Four Ancient Books of Wales, I, p. 263. 



18 Studies in Language and Literature 

In a poem in praise of Geraint, son of Erbin, occurs the 
following passage : 

In Llongborth I saw the rage of slaughter, 

And biers beyond all number, 

And red-stained men from the assault of Geraint. 

In Llongborth I saw the edges of blades in contact, 
Men in terror, and blood on the pate, 
Before Geraint, the great son of his father. 1 

Marvelous physical endowments play a smaller part in 
the descriptions of the Welsh heroes than in those of Cu- 
chulainn, but we have some instances. Of Bendigeid Vran it 
is related that there was no ship which could contain him, 
so that he was forced to wade across to Ireland on his great 
expedition to avenge his sister Branwen. 1 When they came 
to the river Linon, there was no bridge over it, and because 
of a lodestone in the bottom of the river, no ship could cross 
it. The army asked Bendigeid Vran for counsel. " There is 
none,' said he, 'except that he who will be chief, let him be a 
bridge. I will be so.' .... And when he had lain down 
across the river, hurdles were placed upon him, and the 
host passed over thereby." 3 But, except for such brief and 
incidental mention, Bendigeid Vran's remarkable stature is 
not alluded to in the course of the story. 

Skill of another sort than Cuchulainn's wonderful 
"feats" and Beowulf's "ocean-endurance" is sometimes em- 
phasized in the Mabinogion. In the mabinogi of Manawyd- 
dan, the Son of Llyr, when the country of Manawyddan and 
Pryderi was desolated by magic, and they were compelled 
to seek their living in Lloegyr (England), they took first 
to making saddles. So superior was their craft that "as 
long as that workmanship could be had of Manawyddan, 
neither saddle nor housing was bought of a saddler through- 
out all Hereford ; till at length every one of the saddlers per- 
ceived that they were losing much of their gain, and that no 



'Skene, Four Ancient Books of Wales, I, p. 267. 
'Mabinogion, p. 41. *Ibid., p. 41. 



Ethnic Ideals of the British Isles 19 

man bought of them, but him who could not get what he 
sought from Manawyddan.'" Through jealousy they were 
driven out, and went to another town, where they took up 
the trade of shield-making. Here again their pre-eminence 
brought them undesirable attention from their rivals in 
trade, and they were forced to leave. In a third town they 
supported themselves by making shoes, with the same results 
as before. Gwydion ap Don also showed skill as a shoemaker." 
This is a sort of ability which is rare, to say the least, among 
the primitive heroes with whom we are dealing. 

Though the pages of the Morte Darthur abound in 
descriptions of personal contests, and of the skill of knights, 
there are few instances in which King Arthur himself en- 
gages in such encounters. Most of these are in the early 
days of his reign, when he had not yet established himself 

supreme. 

When he was besieged by the kings of Britain, he sal- 
lied forth and bore himself so well that even his enemies 
admired him : "And alweyes Kynge Arthur on horsback leyd 
on with a swerd and dyd merueillous dedes of armes that 
many of the kynges had grete ioye of his dedes and hardy- 
nesse/"' When, later, these kings with their army came 
against him, he distinguished himself further, as a few 
passages will show : 

Thenne Arthur as a lyon ranne vnto kynge Cradelmont of North- 
walys/ and smote him thorowe the lyfte syde that the hors and kynge 

fylle doune/ 4 thenne syre Arthur dyd so merueillously in armes 

that all men had wondyr/ 5 . ... and when kyng Arthur sawe the kyng 
ryde on syr Ectors hors he was wroth and with his swerd he smote the 
kynge on the helme/ that a quarter of the helme and shelde fyll doune/ 
and so the swerd carf doune vnto the hors neck/ and so the kyng & the 
hors fyll doune to the ground/' . . . And as Arthur loked by him he sawe 
a knyght that was passingly wel horsed/ and therwith syre Arthur 
ranne to hym and smote hym on the helme that his swerd went vnto his 
teeth/ and the knyght sanke doune to the erthe dede/ 1 

Wabinogion, p. 51. 2 Ibid., p. 71. 

"Malory, Le Morte Darthur, edit. Sommer (1889) I, p. 46. 
'Ibid., I, p. 54. 'Ibid., I, p. 55. 

'Ibid., I, p. 55. 'Ibid., I, p. 58. 



20 Studies in Language and Literature 

In Arthur's not altogether glorious adventure with the 
knight of the fountain, we have a description of a typical 
chivalrous combat. 

Anon he toke his hors & dressid his shylde & toke a spere & they 
met so hard either in others sheldes that al to sheuered their speres/ 
ther with anone Arthur pulled out his swerd/ nay not so said the 
knyght/ it is fayrer sayd the knygt that we tweyne renne more to 
gyders with sharp sperys/ I wille wel said Arthur and I had any mo 
sperys/ I haue ynow said the knygt/ so ther cam a squyer and brougt 
in good sperys/ and Arthur chose one & he another/ so they spored 
their horses & cam to gyders with al the myghtes that eyther brak 
her speres to her hands/ thenne Arthur sette hand on his swerd/ nay 
said the knyght/ ye shal do better/ ye are a passynge good luster 
as euer I mette with al/ & ones for the loue of the highe ordre of 
knygthode lete vs Iuste ones agayn/ I assent me said Arthur/ anone 
there were brought two grete sperys/ and euery knyght gat a spere/ 
and therwith they ranne to gyders that Arthurs spere al to sheuered/ 
But the other knyghte hyt hym so hard in middes of the shelde/ that 
horse & man felle to the erthe/ and ther with Arthur was egre & 
pulled oute his swerd/ and said I will assay the syr knyghte on foote/ 
for I haue lost the honour on horsbak/ I will be on horsbak said the 
the knyght/ thenne was Arthur wrothe and dressid his sheld toward 
hym with his swerd drawen/ whan the knyghte sawe that/ he a lyghte/ 
for hym thought no worship to haue a knyght at suche auaille he to 
be on horsbak and he on foot and so he alyght & dressid his sheld 
vnto Arthur & ther bega a strong bataille with many grete strokes/ 
& soo hewe with her swerdes that the cantels flewe in the feldes/ 
and moche blood they bledde bothe/ that al the place there as they 
taught was ouer bledde with blood/ and thus they fought long and 
rested hem/ and thenne they went to the batayl agayne/ and so 
hurtled to gyders that both her swerdys met euen to gyders/ But 
the swerd of the knyghte smote kyng arthurs swerd in two pyeces/ 
wherfor he was heuy/ 1 

In this combat, Arthur came off but second best. The 
same happens again in the tenth book, where Arthur is 
several times overthrown both by Sir Tristram and by Sir 
Palomides.' He acquits himself more creditably, however, 
when he encounters the giant at Saint Michael's Mount.* 



'Malory, Morte Darthur, I, p. 70. 
'Ibid., I, pp. 412, 641, 554. 
'Ibid., I, p. 168. 



Ethnic Ideals of the British Isles 21 

If we compare the ideals set forth above, some of the 
temperamental differences of the peoples who gave them 
birth are at once apparent. In Beowulf we have best exem- 
plified the ideal of sheer strength and endurance; in Cu- 
chulainn we have extraordinary strength, combined with 
skill of extraordinary kinds. He is not only a strong man, he 
is a wonderful acrobat, hanging by his toes on the edge of a 
cliff, 1 and leaping marvelous leaps across the country. The 
fantastic imagination of the Gael has been given free play 
in the descriptions of his remarkable feats. While the Welsh 
stories also display a lively fancy, they are not so much in- 
clined to attribute marvelous physical powers to their heroes. 
Even the hyperbole of the Welsh poetry is not like the 
strange and often ludicrous exaggeration of the Irish roman- 
ces. 

So far the ideals presented are all primitive; in Arthur 
we find the ideal of a more civilized people. While he was 
ranked among the greatest in physical prowess, he was not 
uniformly successful, and cannot be acclaimed as an equal 
of the peerless knight, Sir Launcelot, of whom no defeat is 
ever recorded. And the very fact that his supremacy is 
not physical shows that he must owe his pre-eminence to 
qualities of some other sort, and that these, whatever they 
are, are more highly esteemed than mere physical powers. 
Defeat, unless by treachery, would be fatal to the estima- 
tion of a hero among primitive peoples ; but Arthur, though 
supine beneath the sword of Pellinore, remained a hero to 
mediaeval England. 

7. The appearance of a hero is a point to which we 
are accustomed to pay a great deal of attention. In earlier 
times this was not always the case, and indeed the reverse 
is common in traditional literature. In the whole of Beowulf 
we find no description of the hero : there is not so much as 
a descriptive epithet "Hardy under helm" is the conven 
tional epithet for a warrior, "giver of rings," or "people's 
protector," for a ruler. Our Anglo-Saxon ancestors were 

'HalL Cuthultm Saga, p. 79. 



22 Studies in Language and Literature 

more interested in a man's deeds than in his appearance. 
There is but one passage which has any descriptive force, 
and it scarcely would serve as an identification. This is 
the speech of Hrothgar's lookout when he greets the Geats 
on their landing : 

"A greater ne'er saw I 
of warriors in world than is one of you, — 
yon hero in harness! No henchman he, 
worthied by weapons, if witness his features, 
his peerless presence!" 1 

Far otherwise is it when we come to Cuchulainn. The 
fantastic imagination of the Irish dwells lovingly upon the 
person of their hero and gives us long and detailed descrip- 
tions of him. These recur in several stories and are gen- 
erally substantially the same. I quote from the Tain bo 
Cuailgne: 

A handsome lad truly he was. Three sets of hair he had: next 
to the skin of his head, brown; in the middle, crimson; that which 
covered him on the outside formed as it were a diadem of gold, seeing 
that comparable to yellow gold was each glittering long curling 
splendid beauty-colored thread of the same, as free and loose it fell 
down and hung betwixt his shoulders. About his neck were a hundred 
linklets of red gold that flashed again, with pendants hanging from 
them. His headgear was adorned with a hundred mixed carbuncle 
jewels, strung. On either cheek four moles he had: a yellow, a 
green, a blue, a red. In either eye seven pupils, as it were seven 
sparkling gems. Either foot of the twain was garnished with seven 
toes ; both this hand and that, with as many fingers ; each one of which 
was endowed with clutch of a hawk's talon, with grip of a hedgehog's 
claw. He dons his gorgeous raiment that he wore in great conven- 
tions: a fair crimson tunic of five plies and fringed, with a long pin 
of white silver, gold-enchased and patterned, shining as it had been a 
luminous torch which for its blazing property men might not endure to 
see. Next to his skin, a body-vest of silk bordered and fringed all 
round with gold, with silver, and with white bronze; which vest came 
as far as the upper edge of his russet-coloured kilt. A trusty special 
shield, in hue dark-crimson, and its circumference armed with a pure 
silver rim. At his left side, a long and golden-hilted sword. Beside 
him in the chariot, a lengthy spear; together with a keen 'aggression - 
boding' javelin, fitted with 'hurling' thong, with rivets of white bronze. 
In one hand he carried nine heads, nine also in the other; the which in 
token of valor and of skill in arms he held at arm's length, and in 
sight of all the army shook. 2 



l Beowulf, 11. 247-251. "Hull, CuchulUn Saga, p. 178. 



Ethnic Ideals of the British Isles 23 

Such appeared Cuchulainn, when he desired to make a 
favorable impression upon the maidens of the opposing 
host. But in the fury of battle he presented a different 
aspect : 

All over him, from his crown to the ground, his flesh and every 
limb and joint and point and articulation of him quivered as does 
a tree, yea, a bulrush, in mid-current. Within his skin he put forth an 
unnatural effort of his body: his feet, his shins, and his knees shifted 
themselves and were behind him; his heels and calves and hams were 
displaced to the front of his leg-bones, in condition such that their 
knotted muscles stood up in lumps large as the clenched fist of a 
fighting man. The frontal sinews of his head were dragged to the 
back of his neck, where they showed in lumps bigger than the head 
of a manchild of one month. Then his face underwent an extraordi- 
nary transformation: one eye became engulfed in his head so far that 
'tis a question whether a wild heron could have got at it where it lay 
against his occiput, to drag it out upon his cheek; the other eye on the 
contrary protruded suddenly, and of itself so rested upon his cheek. 
His mouth was twisted awry till it met his ears. His lion's gnashings 
caused flakes of fire, each one larger than fleece of three-year-old 
wether, to stream from his throat into his mouth and so outwards, 
The sounding blows of the heart that panted within him were as the 
howl of a ban-dog doing his office, or of a lion in the act of charg- 
ing bears. Among the aerial clouds over his head were visible the 
virulent pouring showers and sparks of ruddy fire which the seething 
of his savage wrath caused to mount up above him. His hair became 
entangled above his head as it had been branches of red thorn-bush 
stuffed into a strongly fenced gap to block it; over the which though 
a prime apple tree had been shaken, yet may we surmise that never 
an apple of them would have reached the ground, but rather that 
all would have been held impaled, each on an individual hair as it 
bristled on him for fury. His 'hero's paroxysm' projected itself out of 
his forehead, and showed larger than the whetstone of a first-rate 
man-at-arms. Taller, thicker, more rigid, longer than mast of a 
great ship was the perpendicular jet of dusky blood which out of his 
scalp's very central point shot upwards and then was scattered to the 
four cardinal points; whereby was formed a magic mist of gloom 
resembling the smoky pall that drapes a regal dwelling, what time a 
king at night-fall of a winter's day draws near to it. 1 

One does not wonder at being told that "not by any 
means did he plume himself upon the horrid magic-wrought 
disguise,'" in which he appeared when the wrath of battle 
came upon him. 



'Hull, Cuchullin Saga, p. 175. 'Ibid., p. 178. 



24 Studies in Language and Literature 

In the Welsh material we find few such detailed de- 
cryptions. There is an occasional descriptive epithet in the 
poetry, — for example, "Cai the fair." 1 In the Mabinogion 
we are told of Pryderi, the son of Pwyll, that "the name 
which they gave him was Gwri Wallt Euryn, because what 
hair was upon his head was as yellow as gold.'" The de- 
scription of Kilhwch in Kilhwch and Olwen is comparable to 
those in the Cuchullin Saga. 

And the youth pricked forth upon a steed with head dappled grey, 
of four winters old, firm of limb, with shell-formed hoofs, having a 
bridle of linked gold on his head, and upon him a saddle of costly gold. 
And in the youth's hand were two spears of silver, sharp, well-tem- 
pered, headed with steel, three ells in length, of an edge to wound 
the wind and cause blood to flow, and swifter than the fall of the dew- 
drop from the blade of reed-grass upon the earth when the dew of 
June is at the heaviest. A gold-hilted sword was upon his thigh, the 
blade of which was of gold, bearing a cross of inlaid gold of the hue 
of the lightning of heaven: his war-horn was of ivory. Before him 
were two white-breasted greyhounds, having strong collars of rubies 
about their necks, reaching from the shoulder to the ear. And the one 
that was on the left side bounded across to the right side, and the 
one on the right to the left, and like two sea-swallows sported around 
him. And his courser cast up four sods with his four hoofs, like four 
swallows in the air, now above, now below. About him was a four- 
cornered cloth of purple, and an apple of gold was at each corner, 
and every one of the apples was of the value of an hundred kine. 
And there was precious gold of the value of three hundred kine upon 
his shoes, and upon his stirrups, from his knees to the tip of his toe. 
And the blade of grass bent not beneath him so light was his courser's 
tread as he journeyed toward the gate of Arthur's Palace.' 

This is a description rather of the hero's equipment 
than of his personal appearance. But even so, it bears a 
close relation to the Cuchulainn descriptions. There is more 
than a hint of the fantastic quality which is so noticeable 
in those ; there is even a rather absurd paradox in the horse's 
casting up sods with his hoofs while he trod so lightly as 
not to bend a blade of grass. 



'Skene. Four Ancient Books of Wales, I, p. 263. 
'Mabinogion, p. 27. 
'Ibid., p. 96. 



Ethnic Ideals of the British Isles 25 

In all the books of the Morte Darthur, there is not a sen- 
tence descriptive of the hero. Nor is Malory any more 
graphic in dealing with his other characters. None of them 
is described save in the most general terms. Either it is 
taken for granted that the reader would be able to supply his 
own mental picture of Arthur, Guenevere, and Launcelot, 
or else the appearance of the character, as in Beowulf, was 
considered as being of very minor importance. The Celtic 
imagination, and more especially the Gaelic, pleased itself 
with attributing fantastic and unusual appearances, as well 
as miraculous physical powers, to its heroes. The Teutonic, 
being more matter-of-fact, more practical, subordinated ap- 
pearance to actions, and in this respect the Teutonic spirit 
would seem to have toned down the Celtic legends of Arthur, 
before, in Malory's work, they received their final shaping. 

Ill 

Personal Virtues 

8. The personal virtues of a hero, courage, honor, 
friendship, and the like, are of the highest importance as 
illuminating the character of the people to whom he be- 
longs. Conceptions of the virtues differ greatly in different 
ages and civilizations ; the same word does not always mean 
the same thing. There is no surer index of men's true 
ideals than the actions which they attribute to their popular 
heroes. 

9. Of the personal virtues of the heroes of primitive 
story, courage is always a prominent one. In Beowulf it 
is strikingly exhibited. He comes over the sea to fight the 
dreaded monster, Grendel, and tells Hrothgar of his resolve : 

"That I would work the will of your people 

fully, or fighting fall in death, 

in fiend's gripe fast. I am firm to do 

an earl's brave deed, or end the days 

of this life of mine in the mead-hall here." 1 



x Beowulf, 11. 634-638. 



26 Studies in Language and Literature 

In the combat with Grendel's dam, where he seems 
more in danger of defeat than in his previous fight with 
Grendel, his courage is tried, but not found wanting: 

Firm still stood, nor failed in valor, 
heedful of high deeds, Hygelac's kinsman; 
flung away sword, featly jewelled, 
the angry earl; on earth it lay 
steel-edged and stiff. His strength he trusted, 
hand-gripe of might. So man shall do 
whenever in war he weens to earn him 
lasting fame, nor fears for his life! 1 

His valor was acclaimed by the grateful Danes: 

Then Beowulf's glory 
eager they echoed, and all averred 
that from sea to sea, or south or north, 
there was no other in earth's domain, 
under vault of heaven more valiant found 
of warriors none more worthy to rule!' 

In old age, when he went out to fight the dragon that 
devastated his kingdom, he refused the help of his thanes, 
his valiant spirit disdaining aid in the struggle : 

" — Now abide by the barrow, ye breast- pi ate mailed, 

ye heroes in harness, which of us twain 

better from battle rush bear his wounds. 

Wait ye the finish. The fight is not yours, 

nor meet for any but me alone 

to measure might with this monster here 

and play the hero. Hardily I 

shall win that wealth, or war shall seize, 

cruel killing, your king and lord!'" 

As may be expected, Cuchulainn's daring is extraord- 
inary, to match his extraordinary powers . In the Sick-Bed 
of Cuchulainn he confronts the army of Eochaid Juil and 
Senach the Unearthly alone, sending away Labraid, in whose 



'Beowulf, 11. 1529-1536. 'Ibid., 11. 856-861. 

'Ibid., 11. 2529-2537. 



\ 



Ethnic Ideals of the British Isles 27 

behalf he is fighting, and defeats the host single-handed. 1 
At the siege of Howth he refuses when urged to close his 
gap in the wall with a fence. " 'Not so/ said Cuchulainn, 
'a spear of iron closes it for me.' '" 

His courage is not mere confidence in his superhuman 
powers. In the Feast of Bricriu, when the heroes of Ireland 
contend for supremacy, the giant Terrible offers to settle 
the question. He proposes a bargain with any of them who 
shall choose to accept it: the champion is to cut off the 
giant's head today, and in return to allow the giant to cut 
off his tomorrow. None of them dares but Cuchulainn, 
who, on assurance that he shall be awarded without ques- 
tion the championship of Ireland, agrees to the trial, and 
decapitates the giant. The latter, nothing discommoded, 
picks up his head and goes off. The next day he returns 
with his head as solid on his shoulders as ever, demanding 
fulfillment of his bargain. Cuchulainn submits cheerfully. 
and "the other three times lowers the ax on the neck and 
the back of the hero. 'Rise, Cuchulainn,' he says, 'to thee 
the royalty of the warriors of Ireland, and the portion of 
the hero, none can contest it with thee.' " 3 This trial evi- 
dently required a higher sort of courage than his daring in 
battle, for invulnerability was not among Cuchulainn's mar- 
velous attributes. Here all his wonderful strength and skill 
could avail him nothing. 4 

His moral courage is nowhere better shown than in his 
calm acceptance of fate when he goes to his last battle. 
" 'Loath as ye be to dismiss me into danger and against my 



*Leahy, Heroic Romances of Ireland, I, p. 76. 

•Hull, Cuchullin Saga, p. 89. 

'D' Arbois de Jubainville, Cours de litterature celtique, V, p. 135. 

The incident of the challenge to exchange blows is found else- 
where in mediaeval literature, the best-known instance being that of 
Gawain and the Green Knight, of which romance it forms the prin- 
cipal incident. However, the story as told in the Fled Bricrend ante- 
dates all other forms. For a full discussion, see G. L. Kittredge, 
A Study of Gawain and the Green Knight, Cambridge, 1916. 



28 Studies in Language and Literature 

foes, there to encounter death and dissolution,' " he says to 
Cathbad, " 'even so cheerful am I that now go to have my 
side bored and my body mangled: neither knowest thou 
better than myself that in this onslaught I must fall.' m 

Specific instances of courage are not common in the 
Mabinogion. It is true that there are a great many com- 
bats, but these are seldom dealt with in detail. No doubt 
Pwyll, Prince of Dyved, may be said to show courage when 
he undertakes to fight Havgan in the stead of Arawn. 2 There 
is a good deal of fighting in Kilhwch and Olwen, especially 
in the pursuit of Tivrch Trwyth. This is not a successful 
enterprise at first, as he turns and harries the country 
of the pursuers. When he approaches Cornwall, Arthur 
says : " 'Twrch Trwyth has slain many of my men, but, by 
the valour of warriors, while I live he shall not go into Corn- 
wall. And I will not follow him any longer, but I will 
oppose him life to life. Do ye as ye will !' " 3 So, by Arthur's 
courage and resolution, the boar is overcome. 

Courageous utterances are put in the mouth of Gwen, 
son of Llywarch Hen : 

I will not lose thy countenance, prone to warfare, 
From the time that the hero puts on harness for the 
course; 

I will hear 4 the pang ere I quit the spot 

*********** 

The streams will divide around the wall of the Caer, 
And I will prognosticate — 

A shield with a fractured front before I skulk. 

********** 

For the terror of death from the base men of Lloegyr 
I will not tarnish my honour; 
I will not dispraise maidens. 6 



'Hull, Cuchullin Saga, p. 248. 

'The Arthur of Kilhwch and Olwen is a purely Welsh hero, the 
story being free from French or English influence. 
*Mabinogion, p. 133. 
*Sic; query, 'bear'? 
'Skene, Four Ancient Books of Wales, I, p. 330. 



Ethnic Ideals of the British Isles 29 

Further on in the same poem, Llywarch Hen, lamenting for 
his sons, praises their valor. 

Nor Pyll nor Madawg would be long lived, 
If they preserved the custom. 

Would they surrender? They would not surrender! They 
would never ask for truce! 1 

Courage is a prominent characteristic of the chivalric 
ideal. The knight would die any death rather than accept 
dishonor. It was not, however, necessarily dishonor to yield 
to a stronger knight, unless the combat were avowedly 
a Voutrance. But if the victor were so uncourteous as to 
demand that the other yield himself "recreaunt," the brave 
knight would refuse, though on pain of death. Thus Arthur 
to Sir Accolon, when the latter, by Morgan le Fay's treach 
ery, had overcome him: 

Nay sayd Arthur I maye not so/ for I haue promysed to doo 
the bataille to the vttermest by the feythe of my body whyle me 
lasteth the lyf / and therfor I had leuer to dye with honour than to lyue 
with shame/ And yf it were possyble for me to dye an C tymes I 
had leuer to dye so ofte/ than yeeld me to the/ for though I lacke 
wepen/ I shalle lacke no worship/ and yf thow slee me wepenles that 
shall* be thy shame/* 

The courage of Beowulf is of a stoical quality; it is 
born of the feeling, so prevalent in Anglo-Saxon literature, 
that Wyrd (Fate) rules all, and appoints each man the hour 
of his death, that it is useless, therefore, to attempt to pro- 
long life beyond its allotted span, but that to die gloriously 
is worth every man's endeavor. A sincere fatalism can 
know no fear of death, and the worship of glory is a pow- 
erful inciter to deeds of conspicuous valor. To set free a 
people from the oppression of a monster, to be hailed as a 
heroic deliverer, are ends worth the braving of great odds 
in strength, especially if a man feels that he cannot be 



'Skene, Four Ancient Books of Wales, I, p. 33. 
•Malory, Morte Darthur, I, p.131. 



30 Studies in Language and Literature 

overcome before the time appointed. Such was Beowulf's 
reasoning, conscious or unconscious. Though he sought 
glory, he sought it not in the spirit of bravado, save in his 
youthful swimming exploit with Breca. At no other time 
did he seek danger for danger's sake merely. 

Otherwise was it with Cuchulainn. His adventures are 
almost all, like his first with Nechtan Scean's sons, under- 
taken from the love of adventure, rather than in champion- 
ship of the oppressed or in defense of his people. It is true 
that he undertook, single-handed, to stand off the army of 
the men of Erin, but he compounded with them thus : they 
were to send each morning a warrior to meet him, and for 
so long a time as he was killing the warrior the host might 
move forward. 1 If he had continued his earlier tactics of 
killing as many as he could each day, he might have terror- 
ized them and driven them away much sooner, but he pre- 
ferred the greater glory that would accrue to him from 
these combats with picked champions. He actually sacrificed 
his country's greater welfare to his personal reputation. 
He always wanted to fight: the more fighting he could get 
the better. He would have made a poor ruler, for he could 
never have been content with peace and would always have 
dragged his people into quarrels. His ideal existence, one 
imagines, would be paralleled by a modern Irishman's 
"Donnybrook fair." 

But courage of a more passive sort he had, though it 
was seldom called into play. It was not the battle-lust which 
could face without a tremor the ax of the giant Terrible, 
though it might have been that which nerved him to go 
forth eagerly to the conflict which he knew to be his last. 
For the sake of his posthumous fame, he was willing to sub- 
mit to what seemed unavoidable death, and stretch forth his 
neck unflinchingly for the blow. One imagines that Beowulf 
would scarcely have made this sort of a bargain merely for 
the honor to be gained : he probably would have agreed with 
the heroes who prudently said that they did not know 



'Hull, Cuchullin Saga, p.160. 



Ethnic Ideals of the British Isles 31 

whether or not the giant could survive decapitation, but they 
were very certain that they could not. 

The ardor for combat which was so strong in the Irish 
seems not to have extended in the same degree to the Cym- 
ric Celts, or else to have been softened somewhat. At any 
rate it does not find much expression in their prose tales or in 
their poetry. We have it most clearly shown in the lines 
about Cai, previously quoted: 

To the battle he would come 

By the hundred he would slaughter; 

There was no day that would satisfy him. 

But such blood-thirstiness is rare. The Welsh heroes are 
brave as a matter of course, but they do not go out of their 
way to seek combats, nor are these dwelt upon particularly. 
Their courage is of the serviceable sort that can be put in 
the pocket when not in use, and need not be constantly 
thrust upon the attention. 

It may be that the Mabinogion represent a class of 
Welsh folk -tales more peaceably inclined than the Arthurian 
stories ; at any rate fighting plays a more important part in 
the latter, as we find them in mediaeval English and Conti- 
nental versions. But still the courage of the Arthurian heroes 
is not of so self-assertive a type as that of the Irish. The 
knierht usually sets out at the command of the king, to rescue 
a distressed lady or for some similar end. While Malory 
relates many a combat between knights who meet by chance, 
the victor is usually content with overthrowing his foe, and 
does not seek to slay him : it is love of skill that animates the 
contestants rather than love of bloodshed. 

Arthur himself seldom fights save in good cause. — for 
the safety of his kingdom, for the recovery of his wife, for 
the avenging of a lady piteously slain. But he fears not to 
risk his life when necessary, and, as we have seen above, 
chooses death in preference to yielding, when yielding means 
dishonor according to the knightly code. His courage, both 



32 Studies in Language and Literature 

moral and physical, is never for one moment called in ques- 
tion. Though not so great in prowess as some of his knights, 
he is second to none in valor. 

10. Personal honor is always an important character- 
istic of a hero. There is, however, probably no other virtue 
of which the conception is so various among different 
peoples. Perhaps its most universal meaning among the 
more primitive is that of fidelity to a pledge. This often 
leads to actions which to our modern minds seem dishon- 
orable, as when Pwyll yields Rhiannon to Gwawl. No 
examples of this sort are to be found in Teutonic legend, 
however, though they are common among the Celts. 

It is rather surprising, in view of the practicality which 
he usually displays, to find Beowulf taking into considera- 
tion a point of honor which does not usually appeal to the 
primitive mind, nor, indeed, to the modern civilized mind, 
but would be supposed to be almost the exclusive property 
of mediaeval chivalry. He refuses to possess an advantage 
over Grendel. 

"More I hear, that the monster dire 
in his wanton mood, of weapons recks not; 
hence shall I scorn — so Hygelac stay, 
king of my kindred, kind to me! — 
brand or buckler to bear in the fight, 
gold-colored targe: but with gripe alone 
must I front the fiend and fight for life 
foe against foe! 1 

Cuchulainn shows no such fantastic generosity, for he 
never scruples to use the gae-bulga, a weapon of mysterious 
properties, apparently magical, against enemies who are 
without such means of offense. It was with this that he 
slew Ferdia' and Conlaoch', who were each a match for him 
otherwise. 



'Beowulf, 11. 433-440. 

"Hull, CuehuUm Saga, p. 195. 

*D' Arbois de Jubainville, Court de Utterature celtique, V, p. 52- 



Ethnic Ideals of the British Isles 33 

He does, however, illustrate the over-scrupulous fidelity 
to a pledge. In the beginning of the Tain bo Cuailgne, when 
his reputed father, Sualtach, brings him the news of the 
invasion of Ulster by the army of Medb and Ailill, Cuchulainn 
sends him to Emain Macha to tell the news to Conachar. 
Sualtach asks what he will do meanwhile, and he replies that 
he has an assignation that night at Tara with a handmaid 
of Fiedelm nochndhlach. "Sualtach objecting that this is 
a pitiful errand on which to go, at the price of abandoning 
Ulster to be trampled underfoot of enemies and outlanders, 
Cuchullin persists that go he must; 'otherwise,' says he, 
'men's compacts will be falsified and women's words be veri- 
fied.' '" This would seem to be rather a costly vindication 
of the honor of the lordly sex! 

In The Death of the Sons of Usnach, Conachar, having 
resolved to avenge himself upon Naisi and his brethren, 
asks each of three different warriors what he would do if 
they should be destroyed while under his safeguard. Con- 
all, the first approached, declares that he would slay every 
Ulsterman who should do them harm. Cuchulainn, who 
is next questioned, replies : " 'I pledge my word I would not 
take the greatest bribe of the globe from thee, though it be 
sought eastward as far as India itself, in lieu of thy head 
to fall for that deed.' '" It is Fergus who finally undertakes 
to bring them to Ulster. 

In the Tain, Cuchulainn meets in the wood the chariot- 
eer of Medb's son cutting chariot-poles, and aids him in his 
task. When he tells him his name, "the driver exclaims 
that he is but a dead man ; Cuchullin however comforts him 
with the assurance that he slays not drivers, nor messengers, 
nor the unweaponed."* 

A scruple of honor is the means of bringing about Cu- 
chulainn's death. A satirist asks him for his spear, threat- 
ening to revile him if he give it not. Cuchulainn replies that 



'Hull, Cuchullin Saga, p. 128. 'Ibid., p. 156. 

'Ibid., p. 27. 



34 Studies in Language and Literature 

he has never been reviled for his niggardliness, and throws 
it point first at the satirist, so that it kills him and nine 
others. Lugaid gets the spear and flings it at Cuchulainn, 
but misses him, killing Laegh, his charioteer. A little later 
on, Cuchulainn is again accosted by a satirist with the 
same request, and the same threat if he refuse. 

"I am not bound to grant more than one request in one day; and 
moreover, I have already saved my honour by payment." 

"Then I will revile Ulster for thy default," says the satirist. 

"Never yet hath Ulster been reviled on account of any refusal or 
churlishness of mine. Though little of life remain to me, Ulster shall 
not be reviled this day." 1 

He casts the spear with the same result as before, and 
this time one of his horses, the Gray of Macha, is slain by 
it. When a third satirist accosts him, he refuses twice, 
saying that he has paid for the honor of Ulster, but com- 
plies when the satirist says " 'I will then revile thy race,' " 
answering " 'Tidings that I have been defamed shall not 
go back to the land to which I myself shall never return ; for 
little of my life remains to me.' " And so he casts his spear 
a third time, slaying the satirist and thrice nine men, and 
Lugaid returns it, dealing him his death-wound. 

A common theme in Celtic legend is the loss of a wife 
through a rash pledge to grant whatever may be asked. It 
is so that Mongan loses Dubh-Lacha to the king of Leinster." 
In the Mdbinogi of Pwyll, Prince of Dyved, Gwawl comes 
to Pwyll's wedding and "craves a boon." Pwyll grants it, and 
it proves to be his bride, Rhiannon, that is desired.' One is 
inclined to sympathize with Rhiannon when she tells him, 
" Never did man make worse use of his wits than thou hast 
done.' " 



'Hull, Cuchullin Saga, p. 258. 

"Meyer, Kuno, and Nutt, Alfred, The Voyage of Bran Son of 
Febal, (1895), I, p. 75. 
'Mabinogion, p. 22. 



Ethnic Ideals of the British Isles 35 

Arthur is not so rash, for in granting a boon to Kilhwch 
he makes exceptions, — " 'save only my ship ; and my mantle ; 
and Caledvwlch, my sword; and Rhongomyant, my lance; 
and Wynebgwethucher, my shield; and Carnwenhau, my 
dagger ; and Gwenhwyvar, my wife.' '" But, even so, he is 
at considerable trouble and danger in obtaining for Kilhwch 
Olwen the daughter of Yspadadden Penkawr, as he desires. 
The pledge is finally redeemed, however. 

In the Morte Darthur, Arthur behaves honorably to his 
foster-father, Sir Ector. When the latter has learned of 
Arthur's achieving the sword he hails him king and requests 
that he be his "good and gracious lord," when he has been 
crowned. 

Els were I to blame said arthur for ye are the man in the world 
that I am most be holdyng to/ & my good lady and moder your wyf 
that as well as her owne hath fostred me and kepte/ and yf euer hit be 
goddes will that I be kynge as ye say/ ye shall desyre of me what 
I may doo/ and I shall not faille yow/ god forbede I shold faille yow/* 

This pledge was sincerely made and liberally kept. 

Arthur had many warnings of the falsehood of Guen- 
evere and Launcelot, but he was too honorable to give them 
credence. King Mark sent him such a warning: 

Whanne kyng Arthur vnderstood the letter/ he musyd of many 
thynges/ & thougt on his systers wordes quene Morgan le fay that she 
had sayd betwixe quene gueneuer and sir Launcelot/ and in this 
thoughte he studyed a grete whyle/ Thenne he bethought hym ageyne 
how his syster was his owne enemy/ and that she hated the Quene and 
sir launcelot/ and soo he putte all that out of his thoughte/' 

There is in this passage only of those I have quoted a 
touch of the truest fineness. The quality of mind which 
refuses to think evil and puts aside suspicion is something 
that elevates its possessor far more than mere scrupulous 
fidelity to an oath or a bargain, or even a chivalrous refusal 



^Mabinogion, p. 100. 'Ibid,, I, p. 457. 

■Malory, Morte Darthur, I, p. 42. 



36 Studies in Language and Literature 

to take advantage of an enemy. It is one of the noblest 
traits in the character of Arthur, as Malory paints him. 

11. Loyalty and friendship are always important qual- 
ities in a hero. There is something in the love of friend 
for friend, or in the self-sacrificing devotion to a leader, that 
touches human sympathies deeply. The love of man and 
woman has not at all times held the important place among 
human affections that it holds today, but the love of com 
rades, or of follower for leader, has commanded universal 
esteem. 

The love of equals seems not to have played an im- 
portant part with the German peoples. Much more empha- 
sis is laid upon the loyalty of warriors to their lords. 1 The 
relation of follower to leader was one of the most kindly 
affection, as many passages in their poetry bear witness. 
The cohesive force which maintained Germanic society, says 
Rolleston, was the sentiment of "personal fidelity to a chief, 

a sentiment rooted profoundly in the Teutonic 

nature, and one which has never been surpassed by any 
other human impulse as the source of heroic self-sacrifice.'" 

The friendly relation between Beowulf and his uncle, 
King Hygelac, is many times attested: 

His nephew was ever 
by hardy Hygelac held full dear, 
and each kept watch o'er the other's weal.* 

Beowulf recounts before his last battle how he repaid his 
kinsman's bounty and did him good service throughout his 
life: 

" — For all that he gave me, my gleaming sword 
repaid him at war, — such power I wielded, — 
for lordly treasure: with land he entrusted me 
homestead and house. He had no need 
from Swedish realm, or from Spear-Dane folk, 



'Gummere, Germanic Origins, (1892), p. 474. 

'Rolleston, Myths and Legends of the Celtic Race, (1911), p. 45. 

'Beoivulf, 11. 2169-2171. 



Ethnic Ideals of the British Isles 37 

or from men of the Gyfths, to get him help, — 
some warrior worse for wage to buy! 
Ever I fought in the front of all, 
sole to the fore." 1 

At his death he avenged him on his slayer: 

Nor fared he thence to the Frisian king 

with the booty back, and breast-adornments; 

but, slain in struggle, that standard-bearer 

fell, atheling brave.'" , 

The ideal of personal loyalty to the chieftain is also shown 
in Wiglaf's speech to the warriors when they see Beowulf 
driven back by the dragon. 

"I am far more fain that the fire should seize 
along with my lord these limbs of mine! 
Unsuiting it seems our shields to bear 
homeward hence, save here we essay 
to fell the foe and defend the life 
of the Weder's lord." 1 

Such an ideal of loyalty seems to have been almost 
unknown among the Celts ; indeed, it was the lack of this, 
or some other unifying principle, which was their chief 
political defect. Thus we do not find Cuchulainn displaying 
any such particular devotion to Conachar as Beowulf showed 
for Hygelac. The great friendship of the Ulster cycle was 
the friendship between Cuchulainn and his old fellow-pupil, 
Ferdia. One of the most affecting episodes of Irish story 
is the combat between these two champions, which resulted 
in the death of Ferdia. 

During the Tain, while Cuchulainn was holding the ford 
against the warriors of Medb and Ailill, Ferdia was per- 
suaded, by the offer of the hand of Finnabair, Medb's 
daughter, to go against him. Cuchulainn reproached him, re- 



'Beowulf, 11. 2490-2498. 
•Ibid., 11. 2503-2506. 
•Ibid., 11. 2651-2656. 



38 Studies in Language and Literature 

minding him of their old friendship, when they were pupils 
of Scathach. " '0 my friend Ferdia/ said Cuchulain, 'it 
was not right for thee to have come to the combat and the 
fight with me, at the instigation of Ailill and MaeveV" 
He protests his unwillingness to fight with him: 

"None put meat his lips between, 
None to king or stainless queen 
Yet was born whose praise I'd gain, 

None whose scorn would win thy pain. 

******** 

Clots of blood my faithful heart 
Choke; my soul is like to part: 
'Tis with little force my arm 
Strikes, to do Ferdia harm!" 1 

He shares with him the medicaments that his fairy kin 
bring to him: "And of every soothing and salving herb and 
plant that was brought for the bruises, and the cuts, and 
the gashes, and all the wounds of Cuchulain, he used to send 
an equal portion westward across the ford to Ferdia." 8 
Ferdia reciprocates by sending him a share of the delicacies 
brought him by the men of Erin. 

In the end of the episode, when Cuchulainn has slain 
Ferdia by the gae-bulga, the only feat of his which Ferdia 
did not know, he laments him most bitterly: 

"What availeth me triumph or boasting? 

For, frantic with grief for my deed, 
I am driven to mourn for the body 

That my sword made so sorely to bleed."* 

When Laegh, his charioteer, remonstrates with him, he re- 
plies : 



l Leahy, Heroic Romances of Ireland, I, p. 132. 
2 Ibid., I, p. 139. 
x Ibid., I, p. 136. 
*lbid., I, p. 146. 



Ethnic Ideals of the British Isles 39 

"I would mourn if my leg he had severed, 

Had he hewn through this arm that remains, 

That he mounts not his steeds; and for ever 
In life, immortality gains." 1 

And again, urged to arise, he says pathetically, " 'How 
shall I be the better for arising, O my servant! . . . now 
that he who lieth here hath fallen by me?' " a 

The friendship of Pwyll and Arawn is made much of 
in the Mabinogion, "And thenceforth they made strong the 
friendship that was between them, and each sent unto the 
other horses, and greyhounds, and hawks, and all such 
jewels as they thought would be pleasing to each other." 5 

After the death of Bendigeid Vran in Ireland, when 
his brother Manawyddan returns to Britain he finds that 
his cousin Caswallawn has usurped the realm and he is left 
landless. Pryderi, his friend, offers him the hand of his 
mother in marriage, and the rule of the seven Cantrevs of 
Dyved, which belong to him. " 'Heaven reward thee for thy 
friendship,' " says Manawyddan. " 'I would show thee the 
best friendship in the world if thou wouldst let me/ "* re- 
plies Pryderi. "And such was the friendship between those 
four [Manawyddan, Rhiannon, Pryderi and his wife,] that 
they would not be parted from each other by night nor by 
day."' 

The laments of the Welsh bards for their lords are 
often full of a sense of personal loss which testifies to the 
friendly relations existing between them. In the lament 
for Urien Reged we find such lines as the following : 

Woe to my hand that my lord is slain! 

********* 

My arm has not flagged; my bosom is greatly troubled; 

Ah! My heart, is it not broken? 

A head I bear that was my support.' 



^eahy, Heroic Romances of Ireland, I, p. 146. 
•Ibid., I, p. 145. *Ibid., p. 48. 

•Mabinogion, p. 17. "Ibid., p. 49. 

"Skene, Four Ancient Books of Wales, I, p. 357. 



40 Studies in Language and Literature 

A similar note is struck in the lament for Cyndylan : 

The Hall of Cyndylan pierces me 

To see it without roof, without fire, 

Dead is my chief, myself alive! 
********* 

The Hall of Cyndylan is still 

To-night, after losing its elder. 

The great merciful God! what shall I do? 1 

The relation of Arthur and his knights seems to have 
been one of mutual esteem. His great personal reputation 
and the fame of his Round Table were the lodestones which 
drew knights from distant lands to his court. He required 
of them no oath of loyalty, but on the contrary one of the 
penalties for failure to obey the knightly code was "for- 
feture of their worship and lordship of kyng Arthur for 
euermore."" 

Much of the tragedy of the latter part of the Morte 
Darthur is in Arthur's sorrow for the destruction of his 
Round Table, and especially that dissension should have 
come between him and Launcelot. 

Mioche more I am soryer for my good knyghtes losse/ than for 
the losse of my fayre quene/ for quenes I myghte haue ynowe/ but 
such a felawshyp of good knyghtes shall neuer be to gyders in no 
company/ and now I dare say sayd Arthur there was neuer crysten 
kynge helde suche a felaushyp to gyders/ & alias that euer syr launce- 
lot & I shold be at debate/ 3 

And whan he herd of the deth of his noble knyghtes/ and in 
especyal of syr gaheris and sir Gareths deth/ thenne the kyng swouned 
for pure sorou And whan he awoke of his swoun/ thenne he sayd 
flAllas that euer I bare croun vpon my hede/ For now haue I loste 
the fayrest felaushyp of noble knyghtes that euer helde crysten kyng 
to gyders/ Alias my good knyghtes ben slayne aweye from me/ now 
within these two dayes I haue lost xl knygtes/ & also the noble felau- 
shyp of syr laucelot and his blood/ for now I may neuer hold hem to 
gyders no more with my worshyp/ Alias that euer this werre beganne/* 



'Skene, Four Ancient Books of Wales, I, p. 452. 

"Malory, Morte Dathur, I, p. 118. 

'Ibid., I, p. 812. Void., I, p. 811. 



Ethnic Ideals of the British Isles 41 

There is an affecting scene where Arthur is fighting 
against Sir Launcelot, when the king is struck down by 
Sir Bors, who would have slain him. Launcelot prevents 
him and lifts the king again to his horse. "Thenne whan 
kyng Arthur was on horsbak/ he loked vpon syr launcelot/ 
& thene the teres brast out of his eyen/ thynkyng on the 
grete curtosy that was in syr laucelot more than in any 
other man/" 1 

When Launcelot, constrained by the Pope's mandate, 
restored Guenevere to her husband, Arthur had not much 
to say to him. But his few words are poignant with the 
grief of injured friendship. ''Wei wel syr launcelot sayd 
the kyng/ I haue gyuen the no cause to do me as thou hast 
done/ For I haue worshypped the and thyn more than ony 
of alle my knyghtes/'" 

Arthur's heart seems to have broken at the death of 
Sir Gawain, mortally wounded in the battle at Dover when 
Mordred sought to stay the landing of the king. 

Whan syr Arthur wyst that syre Gawayne was layd so lowe he 
wente vnto hym/ and there the kyng made sorowe oute of mesure/ 
and took sire Gawayne in his armes/ and thryes he there swouned/ 
And thenne when he awaked/ he sayd/ Alias sir Gawayne my systers 
sone/ here now thow lyggest the man in the world that I loued moost/ 
and now is my Ioye gone/ for now my neuewe syre Gawayne I will 
discover me vnto your persone/ in syr Launcelot & you I moost had 
my Ioye/ & my affyaunce/ & now haue I lost my Ioye of you bothe/ 
wherfor alle my erthely Ioye is gone from me/ 3 

The tie of affection between the lord and his followers 
was a very strong one among the early Germanic peoples, 
as we have seen, and seems to have been almost equally 
firm among the Welsh. The Irish were more individual- 
istic : they emphasize the tribal bond less strongly than the 
bond of personal friendship between equals. The most 
tragical incident in the Ulster cycle, if we except Cu- 



'Malory, Morte Darthur, I, p. 819. 
% lbid., I, p. 823. 
Votd., I, p. 841. 



42 Studies in Language and Literature 

chulainn's unwitting destruction of his own son Conlaoch, is 
his combat with Ferdia. The composers of the Irish tales 
felt keenly the bitterness of the fate that brought Ferdia, 
through his own weakness, to be pitted against his beloved 
comrade in arms. 

With equal keenness Malory seems to have felt the 
tragedy of the destruction of Arthur's life work in the aliena- 
tion from him of his greatest knight, with the consequent 
division of the Round Table. But he seems to have had no 
blame for Launcelot, whose sin against Arthur's friend- 
ship was the cause of this, but only for Mordred and Agra- 
vain, who stirred up the strife between them. The mediae- 
val code permitted Launcelot to maintain his guiltlessness 
unblushingly, but still the king's brief speech, designedly 
or not, conveys exquisitely the reproach of friendship 
wounded to the heart. And the value placed upon friend- 
ship is conclusively demonstrated by the fact that Arthur's 
grief is ever more for the loss of his knights and his friend 
than for the loss of his queen or the dishonor done himself. 

12. Courtesy is an ideal which one does not, usually, 
associate with a primitive state of society. It is the more 
suprising, therefore, to note the dignified and gravely cour- 
teous manner of Beowulf. Unferth has lent him his sword, 
Hrunting, for the combat with the mother of Grendel. 
Though it has failed him in the hour of need, Beowulf tact- 
fully praises it in returning it to its owner : 

Bade then the hardy-one Hrunting be brought 
to the son of Ecglaf, the sword bade him take, 
excellent iron, and uttered his thanks for it, 
quoth that he counted it keen in battle, 
'war- friend' winsome: with words he slandered not 
edge of the blade: 'twas a big-hearted man! 1 



l Beoivulf, 11. 1807-1812. 



Ethnic Ideals of the British Isles 43 

Stately is his leave-taking of Hrothgar : 

Lo we sea farers say our will, 

far-come men, that we fain would seek 

Hygelac now. We here have found 

hosts to our heart: thou hast harbored us well. 

If ever on earth I am able to win me 

more of thy love, lord of men, 

aught anew, than I now have done, 

for work of war I am ready still! 

If it come to me ever across the seas 

that neighbor foemen annoy and affright thee, — 

as they that hate thee erewhile have used, — 

thousands then of thanes shall I bring, 

heroes to help thee. 

If thy Hrethric should come to the court of the Geats. 
a sovran's son, he will surely there 
find his friends." 1 

This sincere and noble speech shows the "big-hearted" 
Teutonic warrior in one of his most favorable aspects. 

Not much evidence of Cuchulainn's courtesy is to be 
found in the Ulster Cycle. What evidence there is, is largely 
negative. In the Wooing of Emer, when Cuchulainn arrives 
at the home of Scathach, her daughter Uathach serves him 
in the disguise of a serving-man. For no reason related by 
the story, he strikes her with such force as to break a finger, 
whereat she cries out so that all the household rush in. 
One of Scathach's soldiers attacks Cuchulainn, and is slain 
by him. Then, as in the boyhood episode of the hound of 
Culann, he offers his service in the stead of the man he has 
killed.' All things considered, this offer seems fair ; and the 
whole incident hardly redounds to the credit of the hero. 

Nor does he show much courtesy in the tale of the 
Appearance of the Morrigu. Meeting a woman riding in a 
chariot while a man walks beside her driving a cow, he 
stops them : 



'Beowulf, 11. iai8ff. 

'D'Arbois de Jubainville, Cours de litterature celtique, V, p. 44 



44 Studies in Language and Literature 

"The cow is not pleased to be driven on by you," said Cuchullin. 
"She does not belong to you," said the woman; "the cow is not owned 
by any of your friends or associates." "The cows of Ulster belong to 
me," said Cuchullin. "You would give a decision about the cow!" 
said the woman; "you are taking too much upon yourself, O Cu- 
chullin!'" TW c<r« tn>.4 *4dWrt.*Ti*e**c. t*c\\«\ yrwrfn+n+y fr* *ct*f, 

Discomfited, apparently, he changes the subject: " "Why 
is it the woman who accosts me ?' said Cuchullin. 'Why is it 
not the man?' '" In this episode, Cuchulainn shows himself 
meddlesome and quarrelsome, — in fact anything but an 
ideally courteous hero. 

Courtesy is, by contrast, a marked trait of the Welsh 
heroes. Pwyll, Prince of Dyved, being hunting, saw the 
stag he was following brought down by some strange dogs. 
He drove them off and set on his own. A little later he 
met the owner of the strange hounds. " 'Greater discour- 
tesy saw I never in man, than to drive away the dogs that 
were killing the stag and to set upon it thine own/ " said the 
stranger. " '0 chieftain/ he replied, 'if I have done ill I 
will redeem thy friendship.' "' 

When Matholwch of Ireland came to sue for the hand 
of Branwen, daughter of Llyr, her half-brother offended him 
by mutilating his horses. Her brother, Bendigeid Vran, 
king of Britain, made handsome amends to his guest: 

"Truly," said Bendigeid Vran, "there are no means by which we 
may prevent his going away at enmity with us, that we will not take. . . 
Tell him that he shall have a sound horse for every one that has been 
injured. And besides that, as an atonement for the insult, he shall 
have a staff of silver, as large and as tall as himself, and a plate of 
gold the breadth of his face. And show unto him who it was that did 
this, and that it was done against my will, but that he who did it is my 
brother by the mother's side, and therefore it would be hard for me to 
put him to death. And let him come and meet me," said he, "and 
we will make peace in any way he may desire." 4 



l Hull, CuchulKn Saga, p. 104. *Mabinogion, p. 14. 

*Ibid., he. eit. 'Ibid., p. 36. 



Ethnic Ideals of the British Isles 45 

The courtesy of Arthur in Kilhmch and Olwen is not 
surpassed even in the later romances. When Kilhwch comes 
to his court they exchange formal greetings: 

"Greetings be unto thee, Sovereign Ruler of this Island; and be- 
this greeting no less unto the lowest than unto the highest, and be 
it equally unto thy guests, and thy warriors, and thy chieftains — let 
all partake of it as completely as thyself. And complete be thy favour, 
and thy fame, and thy glory, throughout all this Island." "Greetings 
unto thee also," said Arthur; "sit thou between two of my warriors, 
and thou shalt have minstrels before thee, and thou shalt enjoy the 
privileges of a king born to a throne, as long as thou remainest here. 
And when I dispense my presents to the visitors and strangers in this 
court, they shall be in thy hand at my commencing." 1 

That Malory's Arthur is ever courteous goes without 
saying. We find him well-mannered to his foster-brother, 
Sir Kay, when as boys they ride with Sir Ector to the jousts 
at London. "So as they rode to ye Iustes ward/ sir kay lost 
his swerd for he had left it at his faders lodgyng/ & so he 
prayd yong Arthur for to ride for his swerd/ I wyll wel 
said Arthur/ & rode fast after ye swerd/"' 

He greets kindly the kings who come to the tournament 
he has proclaimed: 

And kyng Arthur was glad of their comynge/ for he wende that 
al the kynges & knyghtes had come for grete loue/ and to haue done 
hym worship at his feste/ wherfor the kyng made grete ioye/ and 
sente the kynges and knyghtes grete presentes/* 

One likes this ingenuous young sovereign, and is sorry 
for the rebuff his courtesy receives. 

It is a pleasant picture, too, that Malory gives of 
Arthur's courtesy to his father's friend in the battle with 
the eleven kings. He sees Sir Ulfius unhorsed and smites 
down king Cradlemont. "And thenne he tooke the hors 



t Mabirvogion, p. 99. 

'Malory, Morte Darthur, I, p. 41. 

'Ibid., I, p. 44. 



46 Studies in Language and Literature 

by the rayne/ and ladde hym vnto Vlfius & said haue this 
hors myn old frend/ for grete nede hast thow of hors." 1 

A chivalrous foe he was, also, for after the defeat and 
death of Lucius and his allies, he cared for their bodies and 
had them embalmed and sent back to Rome. "And them 
that were hurte he lete the surgyens doo serche their hurtes 
and woundes/ and commanded to spare no salues ne mede- 
cynes tyl they were hole.'" 

The courtesy of Beowulf shows a rather ponderous 
formality and stateliness. It seems to arise from a sense 
of what is fitting, the observation of ceremonial decencies. 
Such a conventionality is characteristic of the Teuton. His 
phlegmatic temperament imposes an inhibition upon rash 
action or speech ; he ponders and then says his say with a 
slow gravity. 

The quick-witted Celt, on the other hand, is deficient 
in this restraint. His temper flares up, he strikes without 
thinking; when his rage is over he makes what amends he 
can. The Gaelic temperament is more hasty and more vio- 
lent than the Cymric, and we find Cuchulainn, in particular, 
revealing a meddlesome and quarrelsome disposition. 

The later Welsh stories (for Kilhwch and Olwen is 
undoubtedly later than the Mabinogion proper) show a de- 
velopment in courtesy. The gracious greetings of Kilhwch 
and Arthur reveal much of the gentle demeanor that comes 
to its full flower in the mediaeval romances. 

13. Liberality is a virtue that is always made much 
of in Anglo-Saxon poetrv. . "Giver of rings" was a favor- 
ite epithet for a king: his throne was the "gift-stool." The 
bestowing of treasure was a part of the ceremonial of the 
feast. "Beowulf is laden with valuable presents by Hroth- 
gar and his queen when he leaves Heorot. He generously 



'Malorv, Morte Darthur, I, p. 54. 
'Ibid., I, p. 174. 



Ethnic Ideals of the British Isles 47 

bestows one of these gifts upon the thane who has been 
watching the ship of the Geats : 

A sword to the boat-guard Beowulf gave, 
mounted with gold; on the mead-bench since 
he was better esteemed, that blade possessing, 
heirloom old. 1 

When he reaches his home he bestows the greater part 
of them upon Hygelac. 

"He made me gifts, 
Healfdene's heir, for my own disposal. 
Now to thee, my prince, I proffer them all, 
gladly give them. Thy grace alone 

can find me favor." 

****** 

Then he bade bear him the boar-head standard, 
the battle-helm high, and breast-plate gray, 
the splendid sword; then spake in form:— 
"Me this war-gear the wise old prince, 

Hrothgar gave, 

****** 

well hold thou it all!" 
And I heard that soon passed over the path of this 

treasure, 
all apple-fallow, four good steeds, 
each like the others; arms and horses 

he gave to the king. 

* * * * * * 

I heard, too, the necklace to Hygd he presented, 
wonder-wrought treasure, which Wealtheow gave him, 
sovran's daughter : three steeds he added, 
slender and saddle-gay.'" 

Similarly, generosity was esteemed among the Irish, 
though we do not find the bestowal of treasure by the lord 
playing so large a part. We are not given many instances 
of Cuchulainn's liberality, the only one that comes to mind 
being the bestowal of his spear at the request of the satirist/ 



<< Jte neyerjet bejnrevHe^ 

'Beowulf, 11. 1900-1903. 

'Ibid., 11. 2146 ff. 

•Hull, Cuchullin Saga, p. 258. See above, p. 33. 



48 Studies in Language and Literature 

or my churlishness/ " says the hero, and flings his spear, 
though he knows it means his death. Nowhere else is this 
virtue particularly emphasized in Cuchulainn's character. 

The dealing of gifts at a feast was a notable custom 
among the Welsh, — almost as much as among the Anglo- 
Saxons. At PwylFs wedding-feast, we hear that "Pwyll 
arose, and he caused silence to be proclaimed, and desired 
all the suitors and the minstrels to show and to point out 
what gifts were to their wish and desire. And this being 
done, the feast went on, and he denied no one while it 
lasted." 1 Arthur speaks, in Kilhwch and Ohven, of "dispens- 
ing presents to visitors and strangers.'" 

The praise of a hero for his liberality is of frequent 
occurrence in Welsh poetry. In the Book of Taliessin Urien 
Reged is particularly commended for this quality. He is 

One that provides 

Wine and bounty and mead.' 

The poet speaks confidently : 

Urien will not refuse me 

The lands of Llwyvenydd. 

Mine is their wealth, 

Mine are the festivals, 

Mine is the produce, 

Mine are the metals, 

And its rich productions. 

Mead out of buffalo horns 

And good in abundance, 

From the best prince, 

The most generous that has been heard of.* 

Many similar passages might be quoted, but these are enough 
for our purpose. 



Wabinogion, p. 25. 

*Ibid., p. 99. See above, p. 46. 

'Skene, Four Ancient Books of Wales, I, p. 348. 

Y&id., I, p. 352. 



Ethnic Ideals of the British Isles 49 

Of Arthur's generosity we have a number of instances. 
At his marriage it was proclaimed that he "wolde yeve any 
man the yefte that the wolde aske." 1 Whenever he held 
high feast at one of his palaces it was his custom to grant 
any boon that was asked. Thus it was when Gareth came, 
craving meat and drink for a year ;' nor it is ever recorded 
that he refused anyone. 

14. Modesty is peculiarly a virtue of civilization. 
Among all primitive and semi-barbaric peoples it is cus- 
tomary for men to boast loudly of their own powers and 
achievements. In a rude state of society, where individuals 
have little consideration for each other, if a man does not 
declare his own merits they are likely to be unappreciated, 
or so he seems to feel. 

Thus it was, among the early Germans, that a part of 
the recognized order of the feast was the interchange of 
boasts by the warriors, when each celebrated his own deeds 
or declared what he would do. The modest hero of chivalry, 
"meek as is a maid," was no ideal of theirs. Beowulf in- 
troduces himself to Hrothgar with an abrupt declaration 
of his own renown: 

"Thou Hrothgar hail! Hygelac's I 
kinsman and follower. Fame a plenty 
have I gained in youth!'" 

He explains that he has heard of Grendel's depredations, 
and continues: 

"So my vassals advised me well, — 

brave and wise, the best of men, — 

O sovran Hrothgar, to seek thee here, 

for my nerve and my might they knew full well. 

Themselves had seen me from slaughter come 

blood-flecked from foes, where five I bound 

and that wild brood worsted." 4 



'Malory, Morte Darthur, I, p. 102. 'Beowulf, 11. 407-409. 
'Ibid., I, p. 213. VWtf., 11. 416-421. 



50 Studies in Language and Literature 

He also, as we have seen, boasts frankly of his swimming- 
match with Breca, when reproached by Unferth with de- 
feat. 

Before his last fight he enumerates to his followers 
all his previous exploits, and finishes 

"I have lived through many 
wars in my youth; now once again, 
old folk-defender, feud will I seek, 
do doughty deeds, if the dark destroyer 
forth from his cavern come to fight me." 1 

Cuchulainn is not more modest than Beowulf. On his 
first meeting with Emer, he speaks loudly in his own praise : 

"Alone I make combat against forty From dread of me, 

warriors avoid fords and battle-fields. Hosts and multitudes and 

many armed men flee before the terror of my face I direct the 

judgments of all the men of Ulster, and, through the training of 

Sencha, (my decisions) are unalterable I can stand up to any 

man in valour, in prowess, in wisdom, in splendour, in cleverness, 
in justice, in boldness."' 

At Bricriu's feast he boldly demands that he be ac- 
knowledged as champion of all the warriors there. " *I 
wish,' replied Cuchulainn, 'to have for myself the royalty 
of the warriors of Ireland and the portion of the hero with- 
out contest; finally, for my wife, the precedence forever 
before all the women of Ulster.' '" 

He vaunts his prowess to Fergus, when the latter seeks 
to dissuade him from the combat with Ferdia: 

Land is none, nor battle-field, 

Where to his my strength must yield. 4 



^Beowulf, 11. 2511-2515. 

a Hull, Cuchullin Saga, p. 65. 

*D' Arbois de Jubainville, Coura de Utt&rature celtique, V, p. 140. 

*Leahy, Heroic Romances of Ireland, I, p. 122. 



Ethnic Ideals of the British Isles 51 

When Ferdia appears, he exchanges boasts with him, de- 
scribing how he will defeat and humiliate him before Medb's 
host: 

They shall 6ee me meet thee, 
Count the strifes that greet thee, 
Watch as down I beat thee, 
Drowning, suffering. 1 

There is little boasting in the Welsh prose tales. The 
heroes of the Mabinogion seem modest enough. Kilhwch, 
however, seems quite confident of himself when he answers 
Yspaddaden Penkawr. The latter requires of him, as a 
condition to the winning of the hand of his daughter, Olwen, 
the performance of a great number of seemingly impossible 
tasks, but to each new demand he returns the invariable 
reply : " 'It will be easy for me to do this, although thou 
may est think it will not be easy.' "' 

Boasting is more frequent in the Welsh poems. It is 
common for the bard to extol himself. Thus Taliessin : 

I came to Deganwy to contend 

With Maelgwn, the greatest in delinquencies, 

I liberated my lord in the presence of the distributor, 

Elphin the sovereign of greatly aspiring ones. 

There are to me three chairs regular, accordant, 

And until doom they will continue with the singers.* 



And again: 



Am I not a candidate for fame with the listened song 
In Caer Pedryvan, in the isle of the strong door? 4 



'Leahy, Heroic Romances of Ireland, I, p. 130. 
'Mabinogwn, p. 113. 

'Skene, Four Ancient Books of Wales, I, p. 275. 
'Ibid., I, p. 265. 



52 Studies in Language and Literature 

In the Death-So?ig of Uthyr Pendragon, he is repre- 
sented as recounting his deeds and various powers: 

Is it not I that will defend my sanctuary? 

In separating with the sons of wrath. 

Have I not been accustomed to blood about the wrathful, 

A sword-stroke daring against the sons of Cawrnur? 
****** 

Is it not I that have destroyed a hundred Caers? 

Is it not I that slew a hundred governors? 

Is it not I that have given a hundred veils? 

Is it not I that cut off a hundred heads? 

Is it not I that gave to Henpen 

The tremendous sword of the enchanter? 
****** 

I am a bard, and I am a harper, 

I am a piper, and I am a crowder, 

Of seven score musicians the very great 

Enchanter. 1 

Modesty, however, is very important in the chivalric 
ideal of the Middle Ages. There it received a stronger 
emphasis than in any other period. Modesty, with the 
ancients, meant restraint from boasting on the one hand, 
and from self-depreciation of the other. To modern men 
it has come to have almost the same meaning again. But 
in the Middle Ages the ideal was extreme humility. The 
knight must not seem aware of his merits or his deserts: 
he must never boast, but always disclaim praise. 

Arthur is becomingly modest as a youth. When he 
had pulled the sword from the stone, Sir Ector and Sir 
Kay knelt to him. "Alias said Arthur myne own dere 
fader and broder why knele ye to me/"' Nor had he lost 
his humility after he had become king and had performed 
great exploits in battle. He was still diffident of his own 
merits. A damsel girt with a sword came to the court, 
asking that he and his knights essay to pull out the sword, 
for she must wear it until some knight who was a "passyng 



'Skene, Four Ancient Books of Wales, I, p. 298. 
*Malory, Morte Darthur, I, p. 42. 



Ethnic Ideals of the British Isles 53 

good man of his handes and of his dedes withoute vylanye 
or trecherye and without treason," should free her from her 
burden. 

This is a grete merueill said Arthur/ yf this be sothc/ I wille 
my self assaye to drawe oute the sword/ not presumynge vpon my 
self that I am the best knyghte but that I will begynne to drawe at 
your swerd in gyuyng example to alle the Barons that they shall 
assay euerychone after other when I haue assayed it/ 1 

In like wise he speaks deprecatingly to the mother 
of Sir Urre, who had brought him to Arthur's court to be 
healed, for he could never recover "vntil the best knyghte 
of the world had serched his woundes." 

And wete yow wel sayd king Arthur I shalle begynne to 

handle hym and serche vnto my power not presumyng vpon me that 
I am soo worthy to hele youre sone by my dedes/ but I wille courage 
other men of worshyp to doo as I wylle doo/' 

The knight's humility is essentially a Christian virtue. 
It is based upon the idea of the necessary unworthiness of 
the whole race of mankind, — the doctrine of original sin. 
The pagan or semi-Christian peoples of earlier times could 
never feel this. They were proud of their achievements, 
of their own worthiness, and they wanted others to know it. 
They had no conviction of their debased and fallen condi- 
tion to render their greatest deeds vain and empty things. 
Nowhere is the influence of mediaeval Christianity upon 
the chivalric conceptions more strongly shown than in this 
ideal of modesty. 



J Malory, Morte Darthur, I, p. 76. 
'Ibid., I, p. 789. 



54 Studies in Language and Literature 

IV. 
Social Qualities 

15. The heroes which we are studying are the ex- 
pression of the ideals of men not only as individuals but 
also as members of society. Our study would be incomplete 
did it fail to include an examination of the social ideals 
manifest in the relationships of the heroes to their fellow- 
men. To be sure, the personal virtues which we have just 
considered have their social values and implications. But 
there are certain more particularly social aspects in which 
we may study these characters. 

16. Among these social aspects, one of the more im- 
portant is the attitude of men toward women. This has 
sometimes claimed rather too much attention in our day, 
the place of women in any particular civilization being even 
made a sort of standard for measuring the height of that 
civilization. This may be approximately valid in the con- 
sideration of modern peoples, but it would be quite un- 
sound to attempt to apply it universally, in all periods of 
the world's history. However, it is certainly an important 
point to be considered in the characterization of any civil- 
ization. 

Whatever the importance of women in primitive Ger- 
manic society, they were of little importance in Germanic 
legend. Romantic love the Germans knew not; hence the 
wooing of a woman as the main theme of a story would have 
been absurd to them. Nor is the hero's reaction to women 
of importance. Where women are introduced, it is quite 
casually. Wealtheow, Freawaru, Hygd, all move graciously 
through the banquet hall, bearing the wine-cup. Beowulf 
treats them and speaks of them with the utmost respect; 
he accepts presents from Wealtheow and bestows them upon 
Hygd. But further than this he has no relations with them. 
As real actors in the story, they simply do not exist. 



Ethnic Ideals op the British Isles 55 

Women in Celtic legend are of far more importance. 
It is Medb's jealousy of her husband's possessions that 
causes the Tain bo Cuailgne. Cuchulainn has various rela- 
tions of love and enmity with many different women, from 
Emer to the Morrigu. He cannot be said, in general, to 
display any particular chivalry in his attitude toward them. 
Certainly his treatment of Aife 1 is quite the reverse of chiv- 
alrous. He deserts his wife at one time for Fand, the fairy- 
woman, who has fallen in love with him. When Emer, with 
fifty women of Ulster, armed with knives, surprises him at 
his tryst with Fand, he refuses to fight with her : 

I avoid thee, lady, as heroes 

Avoid to meet friends in the strife." 

He is chivalrous to that extent, at least. 

There is not much gentleness or forbearance in his 
conduct toward the Morrigu. " 'You are making a fool of 
me!' said Cuchullin. And he made a leap into the chariot. 
He put his two feet on her two shoulders and his spear on 
the parting of her hair.' " 3 Nor does he show reverence for 
women, when he strikes down Locha, Medb's handmaid, 
mistaking her for her mistress by reason of the crown she 
is wearing/ 

Women play an even more prominent role in the Welsh 
tales. Rhiannon, of the quick wit and pleasant conversa- 
tion, the malicious but beautiful Arianrod, the gentle Bran- 
wen, lovely, false Blodeuwedd, whom Math and Gwydion 
shaped from flowers, — all play important parts in the Mab- 
inogion. The attitude of the heroes to them is chivalric. 
Bendigeid Vran invades Ireland to avenge his sister Bran- 
wen, when she is mistreated by her husband. 6 Most chiv- 
alrous is the bearing of Pwyll toward the wife of Arawn.* 



'D' Arbois de Jubainville, Cours de litterature celtique, V, p. 47. 
2 Leahy, Heroic Romances of Ireland, I, p. 80. *Ibid., p. 157. 
'Hull, Cuchullin Saga, p. 104. "Mabinogion, p. 40. 

*D' Arbois de Jubainville, Cours de litterature celtique, III, p. 33. 



56 Studies in Language and Literature 

A gentle courtesy marks Manawyddan's treatment of 
Kicva, his stepson's wife. 

When Kicva the daughter of Gwyn Gloyw saw that there was no 
one in the palace but herself and Manawyddan, she sorrowed so that 
she cared not whether she lived or died. And Manawyddan saw this. 
"Thou art in the wrong," said he, "if through fear of me thou grievest 
thus. I call Heaven to witness that thou hast never seen friendship 
more pure than that which I will bear thee, as long as Heaven will that 
thou shouldst be thus. I declare to thee that were I in the dawn of 
youth I would keep my faith unto Pryderi, and unto thee also will I 
keep it Be there no fear upon thee, therefore," said he, "for Heaven 
is my witness that thou shalt meet with all the friendship thou canst 
wish, and that it is in my power to show thee, as long as it shall please 
Heaven to continue us in this grief and woe." 1 

Woman characters are of even more frequent occur- 
rence in the Morte Darthur than in the early Welsh tales, 
and, as everyone knows, they occupy very important places 
in the stories. The ideal of romantic love played a very 
large part in mediaeval chivalry, and the hero's attitude 
toward women was important in consequence. The knight 
who treated women discourteously was detested: violence 
toward a woman was the blackest stain upon a man's honor. 
Woman was exalted as superior to man: the pedestaled 
heroine is the creation of mediaeval romance. 

Arthur himself did not perform many feats of knight- 
errantry ; a throned sovereign could not very well ride about 
the country rescuing distressed damsels. He did avenge the 
death of the lady Helen of Brittany upon her slayer. 3 But his 
chief achievement in the cause of women was the upholding 
of the chivalric ideal and the impressing of it upon his 
knights. He swore them "alweyes to doo damoysels/ and 
gentylwymmen socour vpon payne of dethe/"* and thus 
very definitely made this ideal a vital one for the whole 
order of the Round Table. 



Wabinogion, p. 54. 

'Malory, Morte Darthur, I, p. 168. 

'Ibid., I, p. 118. 



Ethnic Ideals of the British Isles 57 

He was greatly angered when Sir Balin slew the Lady 
of the Lake in his presence : 

Alias for shame sayd Arthur why haue ye done so/ ye haue 
shamed me and al my Courte/ for this was a lady that I was be holden 
to/ and hither she came vnder my sauf conduyte/ I shalle neuer for- 
yeue you that trespas/ . . . what cause soo euer ye had said Arthur 
ye shold haue forborne her in my presence/ therfor thynke not the 
contrary ye shalle repente it/ for suche another despyte had I neuer 
in my Courte/ therfor withdrawe yow oute of my Courte in al hast 
that ye may/ 1 

The characteristic Teutonic attitude toward woman is 
seen to be one of respect. She has an honored place, but 
she is expected to keep that place strictly. She has little to 
do with the serious affairs of a man's life. The Celtic 
woman, on the other hand, often met man upon equal terms 
in his own sphere of action. From Boadicea to Helen Mac- 
Gregor, warlike women have been frequent figures in Celtic 
history, so it is not strange that we should find such amazons 
as Medb, Scathach, and Aife playing important roles in the 
earliest Celtic literature. Such conditions made it possible 
for women to take active parts in stories, but, strangely 
or not, among the Celts there seems to have been less re- 
spect for women, qua women, and also for the marriage rela- 
tion, than among the Germans. 

The Welsh stories show a more chivalric attitude to- 
ward the feminine sex, but they are later than the Irish, 
and they probably represent the aboriginal Celtic spirit less 
than that spirit after it had been influenced and modified 
by the spirit of chivalry/ 

The mediaeval attitude toward women seems to be 
due to both Celtic and German influences. The Celtic genius 
contributed the myths which became the material for medi- 
aeval authors of all nations, and in these stories women 
took prominent parts. The Germanic spirit of tenderness 
and respect placed them on a higher level than the men. 



l Malory, Morte Darthur, I, p. 80. 

*Rolleston, Myths and Legends of the Celtic Race, p. 344. 



58 Studies in Language and Literature 

Christianity, and particularly the cult of the Virgin Mary 
and of various other female saints, also contributed a great 
deal toward refining the more violent and distasteful ele- 
ments out of the tales. Thus we find men regarding women 
no longer either as beings to be respected in their own dis- 
tinct sphere, or as equals to be treated without respect 
unless they were able to enforce it, but as creatures of a 
higher order, to be worshipped with devotion and saved 
from the roughness of conflict and hardship. It was then 
that man erected woman upon the pedestal from which she 
has even yet scarcely got down. 

17. The primitive conception of justice is a narrow 
one. The earliest notion of it is the lex tcdionis, founded 
on the human instinct for revenge. As society develops and 
property comes into existence, customs of inheritance arise, 
which are the germs of later laws. It is long before justice 
gets beyond these two points of compensation for injury 
done and security of inheritance. 

Among the Germanic peoples there was a complicated 
system of fines for injuries. Long lists of such fines may be 
found in the earliest Anglo-Saxon codes. 1 In Beowulf allu- 
sion is several times made to the custom of paying wergild 
or "man-price" to the relatives of a slain man." Inheritance 
rights were well-organized also, though no reference is made 
to them in the poem. These folk-customs were interpreted 
and justice administered by the witena-gemot, or council of 
the tribal elders. The king was never a judge.' His function 
was military : he was the "protector of the people" in a quite 
literal sense only. We are told of Beowulf that he was a 
"good king", that he 

land and hoard 
ever defended from all his foes, 
furthered his folk's weal,* 

but we are nowhere told of his justice. 



'Thorpe, B., Ancient Laws and Institutions of England. 
'Beowulf, 11. 470, 2441 ff. 'Beowulf, 11. 3004-3006. 

'Gummere, Germanic Origins, pp. 291 ff. 



Ethnic Ideals of the British Isles 59 

Of Celtic law, d'Arbois de Jubainville says : "The most 
ancient monuments of Germanic law and of Roman law 
offer us the judicial form of societies already perfected and 
where the public power has already acquired much more 

vigor than among the Celts It [Celtic law] is nothing 

else than the law not only of the Celtic race, but of the 
Indo-Europeans before the revolutions which were brought 
about little by little by the slow but continuous progress of 
the public authority. It is the law which preceded the in- 
numerable conquests accomplished at the expense of the 
initial independence of families by the idea, so often bene- 
ficent, and sometimes tyrannical, which is expressed today 
by that redoubtable word : the State." 1 

Though primitive, the code was elaborate. Its inter- 
pretation was the function of certain professional judges, 
who made a special study of it. Persons who had a con- 
troversy to be decided could choose any judge they wished, 
or refuse a judge and take the law into their own hands, 
as seemed good to them. 2 Cuchulainn seems to have received 
the training of a judge, from a passage in the Wooing of 
Enter: 

"Fair-speeched Sencha has taught me, so that I am strong, wise, 
swift, deft I am prudent in judgment, my memory is good. Before 
wise men, I (make answer to) many; I give heed to their arguments. 
I direct the judgments of the men of Ulster, and, through the training 
of Sencha, (my decisions) are unalterable.'" 

In the Sick-Bed of Cuchulain we find an account of his 
instructions to Lugaid of the Red Stripes, when the latter 
was about to be made king over all Ireland, and the words 
there put into his mouth evidence the Irish ideal of a just 
ruler : 



^'Arbois de Jubainville, Des attributions judiciaries de I'autorite 
publique chez les Celtes, Revue Celtique, VII, p. 11. 
'Ibid. f loc. cit. 
'Hull, Cuchulainn Saga, p. 66. 



60 Studies in Language and Literature 

"Let not prescription close on illegal possession. Let witnesses 
be examined as to who is the rightful heir of the land. Let the his- 
torians combine to act uprightly before you. Let the lands of the 
brethren, and their increase, be ascertained in their lifetime. Let the 
genealogical trees be added to as children are born. Let the living be 
called to their possessions : on the security of their oaths let the habita- 
tions of their ancestors be revived. Let the heir be established in his 
lawful patrimony; let strangers be driven out by force of arms." 1 

This suggests that one of the functions of a Celtic king 
was the guarding of the security of property rights. 

In the mabinogi of Pwyll, Prince of Dyved, when Pwyll, 
disguised as Arawn, overcomes the latter's foe, Havgan, he 
is hailed as king over all Annwvyn. " 'It is right,' " says 
he, " ' that he who comes humbly should be received gra- 
ciously, but he that doth not come with obedience shall be 
compelled by the force of swords.' '" So pleased are all with 
his justice and moderation that they do him homage at 
once, and "the next day by noon" the two kingdoms are in 
his power. 

Math, son of Mathonwy, shows his justice in re-estab- 
lishing Llew Llaw Gyffes in his kingdom, after he has been 
transformed and his place usurped by his wife's lover. At 
the same time Gwydion ap Don metes out condign punish- 
ment to the unfaithful wife, transforming her into an owl* 

The justice of Arthur is one of his notable character- 
istics. The redressing of wrongs was a considerable part 
of the occupation of himself and his knights, and he kept 
faithfully the oath he took at his coronation. Malory des- 
cribes that event as follows : 

And so anon was the coronacyon made/ And there was he sworne 
vnto his lordes & the comyns for to be a true kyng to stand with true 
Iustyce fro thens forth the dayes of this lyf / Also thene he made alle 
lordes that held of the croune to come in/ and to do seruyce as they 
oughte to doo/ And many complayntes were made vnto sir Arthur of 
grete wrongs that were done syn the dethe of kyng Vther/ of many 
kmdes that were bereued lordes/ knyghts/ ladyes & gentilmen/ wherfor 
kyng Arthur maade the londes to be yeuen ageyne to them that oughte 
hem/ 4 

'Hull, Cvckuttm Saga, p. 233. 'Ibid., p. 79. 

'Mabinoffitm, p. 16. 4 Malory, Morte Dartkur, I, p. 4S. 



Ethnic Ideals of the British Isles 61 

The principles of Arthur's justice are revealed also in 
the institution of the Round Table: 

Thenne the kyng stablysshed all his knyghtes and gaf them that 
were of landes not ryche/ he gaf them londes/ and charged hem neuer 
to doo outragyousyte nor mordre/ and alweyes to flee treason/ Also 
by no meane to be cruel/ but to gyue mercy vnto hym that asketh 
mercy vpon payn of forfeture of their worship and lordship of kyng 
Arthur for euermore/ and alweyes to doo ladyes/ damoysels/ and 
gentylwymmen socour vpon payne of dethe/ Also that no man take no 
batails in a wrongful quarel for noo loue ne for noo worldes goodes/ 1 

For an instance of Arthur's practical justice, we have 
his instructions to his troops on the return from the con- 
quest of Rome. He "commaunded that noo man in payne 
of dethe shold not robbe ne take vytaylle/ ne other thynge 
by the way but that he shold pay therf ore/'" This sort of 
justice to a conquered people was far beyond the practice 
of even a much later time than Malory's. 

The principles of justice to which Arthur subscribes 
in his coronation oath are of the same general nature as 
those that Cuchulainn enumerates. Both are concerned 
with property rights in land,— the practical everyday affairs 
of civil government. But in Arthur's instructions to his 
knights we find higher principles set forth. It is indeed the 
chivalric code, the rule of knightly conduct, which nowhere 
in mediaeval literature finds better expression than here. 

18. The ideal of self-sacrifice for one's country or one's 
tribe is one that was popular in very early times. Among 
the Germanic peoples the ruler was ever the bulwark of his 
folk against invasion, the "people's protector," the "friend 
of his folk." Beowulf calls himself "old folk-defender."* 
He lays down his life gladly in destroying the baleful crea- 
ture ttikt had plagued his nation and with his dying breath 
thanks the "Wielder-of -Wonders" 



'Malory, Morte Darthur, I, p. 118. 'Beowulf, I 2Ml 

*Ibid., I, p. 182. 



62 Studies in Language and Literature 

"for the grace that I give such gifts to my folk 

or ever the day of my death be run! 

Now I've bartered here for booty of treasure 

the last of my life so look ye well 

to the needs of my land!" 1 

And Wiglaf prophesies the strife and invasion that will 
come when their enemies learn of his death, 

"who land and hoard 
ever defended from all his foes, 
furthered his folk's weal, finished his course 
a hardy hero.'" 

He seems in all things to have been an exemplary ruler, 
never sparing himself, but always bearing the brunt of 
strife, as when he will not allow his warriors to accompany 
him against the dragon. A theory, indeed, has been hazarded 
that the poem was written expressly as a model for princes.* 
Whether that be the case or not, it could have done duty as 
such among the Germanic peoples. 

Self-sacrifice was not so frequently exalted among the 
Irish, who were more individualistic than the Anglo-Saxons. 
The warrior or king fought more for his own glory than for 
the defense of his people . Cuchulainn, indeed, defended 
Ulster against the men of Erin, until he was no longer able 
to fight. He sent a message to Conachar's men by his step- 
father, Sualtach, in which he recounted his sufferings for his 
country's sake. 

"Tell Ulster that for the future themselves must come and follow 
up their Tain seeing that I no more am able to defend and rescue them. 
Because from the Monday before samhain, etc. [sic']* in the gaps and 
passes of Conaille-Muirthemne I have stood against the four great 
provinces of Erin, daily slaying a man at a ford [i. e. in single 
combat,] and nightly a hundred warriors; while for thirty nights 
I had not manly fairplay of single combat. None comes to 
succour, none to comfort me; yet my hurts are such that I may not 
endure to have my fighting vesture touch my skin. They are 'fetter- 



x Beowulf, 11. 2797-2801. 'Ibid., 11. 3004-3007. 

•Earle, John, The Deeds of Beowulf. Oxford, 18&2. 
*See above, p. 23. 



Ethnic Ideals op the British Isles 63 

hooks' that maintain my mantle overhead; dried sops of grass they 
are that stuff my wounds; from crown to sole of me is not a spot on 
which a needle's point might rest but has some hurt; in all my body 
not an individual hair does grow but a dew of red blood garnishes its 
point, only excepting my left arm that bears my shield, and even that 
bears three times fifty wounds." 1 

When Cuchulainn's foes sought to compass his death, 
they made by magic an army out of thistles, puff-balls, and 
dry leaves, which seemed to be invading Ulster, knowing 
that he would not suffer the invasion without an attempt to 
hinder it. 1 Thus he was induced to attack them and so was 
slain by the men of Erin. 

The Welsh held in honor the king or chieftain who 
sacrificed himself for his country. In the tale of Lludd mid 
Llevelys, Lludd did battle with the giant who plagued his 
kingdom by carrying away provisions, 8 as valiantly as ever 
a Germanic hero could have done. But this sort of episode 
is not common among the prose tales, for they are romantic 
in spirit, and romance commonly concerns itself more with 
individuals than with masses of people. 

The Welsh poetry, however, being more directly related 
to history, frequently commends a leader for his diligence in 
the defense of his country. Such praise is given to Urien : 

That was the shield of his country, 

That was a wheel in battle, 

That was a ready sword in his country's battles.* 

Likewise in the Gododin we have mentioned the 

Leader, director, and bulwark of all that are of the same 

language, 
Tudvwlch, the subduer in battle, the destroyer of Caers.' 



'Hull, Cuchullin Saga, p. 203. *Mabinogion, p. 94. 

'Ibid., p. 240. "Skene, Four Ancient Books of Wales, I, p. 356. 

'Ibid., I, p. 428. 



64 Studies in Language and Literature 

The lament for Cyndylan exalts him as the defender 
of his town: 

Cyndylan with heart like the fire of spring, 

By the common oath, in the midst of the common speech, 

Defending Tren, that wasted town! 

Cyndylan, bright pillar of his country, 
Chain-bearer, obstinate in the fight, 
Protected Tren, the town of his father! 

Cyndylan, bright intelligence departed, 
Chain-bearer, obstinate in the host, 
Protected Tren as long as he was living. 1 

Arthur, in the earlier romances, is chiefly the defender 
of his country, the glorious ruler, who subdued all Britain 
to his sovereignty. Though the bulk of Malory's work is 
concerned rather with the romantic adventures of the 
knights of his court, the earlier feature still persists, and 
we have much, particularly in the earlier books, of Arthur's 
wars, offensive and defensive. When the news is brought 
to him of the invasion of the island by five kings, who 
"brente and slewe clene afore hem/ both Cytees and castels 
that it was pyte to here/" he resolves to repell them, but 
sighs for the toil that he has spent in holding his kingdom. 

Alias sayd Arthur yet had I neuer reste one monethe syn I was 
crouned kyng of this land/ Now shalle I neuer reste tyl I mete with 
tho kynges in a fayre feld/ that I make myn auowe for my true lyege 
peple shalle not be destroyed in my defaulte/ goo with me who wille 
and abyde who that wylle/ 3 

This ideal of self-sacrifice is thus seen to be common 
to the Teutonic and Celtic peoples, but of much more prom- 
inence among the former. The grave, prudent, and re- 
sponsible temper of the Germans was more responsive to the 
idea that the welfare of the state is higher than that of the 
individual, than the lighter, more volatile spirit of the Celts. 



'Skene, Four Ancient Books of Wales, I, p. 449. 
'Malory, Morte Darthur, I, p. 120. 



Ethnic Ideals of the British Isles 65 

The historian, Mommsen, speaks of the Celts as deficient 
in "earnest public spirit." "Good soldiers but bad citizens," 
he says, "the Celts have shaken all states and have founded 
none." 1 . This criticism of the Celtic character, though from 
a German standpoint, is a valid one. The Celtic spirit has 
been consistently too individualistic to make a stable govern- 
ment attainable by a purely Celtic people. The Germans, 
on the other hand, have shown themselves capable of even 
too great a devotion to the interests of the state. The appar- 
ent impracticability of self-government by a united Ireland 
is a modern illustration of the one, while the deplorable sub- 
mission of the disciplined and socialized German people to 
governmental mechanism exemplifies the other. 



V. 

Philosophy of Life 

19. In a general way, all the characteristics that we 
have discussed hitherto may be considered as bearing upon 
the philosophy of life of the peoples whose ideals we are 
examining. But, more particularly, we may gather from 
the speeches of characters, as well as from their actions, 
the philosophical principles which were those of the peoples 
who created them. Both sources are important. In one 
sense, a man's whole life may be said to define his philosophy, 
for it is there that his ideals find their actualization ; or, if 
they do not, we must assume that they are not truly vital 
to him. But, in another sense, this is not a fair test to 
apply, for ideals, to be truly ideals, must be beyond attain- 
ment, and a man must be measured by his dream rather 
than by his accomplishment. 

20. The Teutonic temperament was a slow and reflec- 
tive one. The early Germans found opportunity, even in 



'Mommsen, History of Rome, I, p. 420. 



66 Studies in Language and Literature 

their strenuous existence, to muse upon the problems of life 
as they were presented to them. They were too truthful 
and too practical to delude themselves concerning the world : 
no visionary enthusiasm could be theirs. They had to make 
a hard fight against the multitudinous hostile forces in the 
world about them, and they saw but too clearly that, though 
the tribe might hold its own, the individual must inevitably 
succumb in the struggle. This is the view which finds ex- 
pression in Beowulf. Says Professor Dixon — 



Nothing can be clearer than that Beowulf belongs to a period 
in which nature was felt as unsubdued, in which the elements were 
unfriendly. His race inhabited the narrow lands, the ridge of un- 
ceasing war — the unexplored ocean before him, at his back the equally 
unexplored and threatening woods. The forest had not yet been 
cleared nor the protecting walls of the city built. Northern Germany 
in the pre-Christian centuries can hardly have been a more kindly 
region than the central Africa of today. The hero in Beowulf stands 
at bay with Nature, exposed to the attacks of strange, uncouth, silent 
foes 

It is at best a losing battle in which mankind is engaged, and 
Beowulf is throughout his life the leader of a forlorn hope. Again 
and again he is successful in spite of odds, foot by foot he grapples 
with destiny unafraid, but he knows that there is but one way, and 
that he must tread at last the pathway to the shades. The clear- 
sighted philosophy of the old English epic, undimmed by any dreams 
of hope, disturbed by no metaphysical consolations, has in it the more 
than Roman fortitude that looks unflinchingly into the burning eyes 
of Truth. 1 

This is a striking interpretation of the mood of the 
life depicted in Beowulf. The natural reaction of the Ger- 
manic temperament to such an environment was to persuade 
that man's life was completely under the domination of an 
inscrutable fate . To seek escape was folly ; to bewail it was 
weakness: to meet his appointed hour gloriously was the 
proper ambition for a man. 



'Dixon, W. MacNeile, English Epic and Heroic Poetry, (1912), 
p. 71. 



Ethnic Ideals of the British Isles 67 

"It beseems us better 
friends to avenge than fruitlessly mourn them. 
Each of us all must his end abide 
in the ways of the world; so win who may 
glory ere death! When his days are told, 
that is the warrior's worthiest doom." 1 

In these lines we have expressed the hero's philosophy of 
life and death. 

Since man's individual life was so circumscribed by 
fate, and the sphere of his achievements so limited, it was 
only through the tribe that he could accomplish anything. 
The Germans seem always to have felt strongly the depend- 
ence of man on man, and their closely-knit social organiza- 
tion, in which each individual submitted to the collective 
will of the tribe and was willing to sacrifice himself for the 
general good, is conspicuous from the earliest times. No 
Epicurean philosophy, theirs, no exaltation of physical ease 
and pleasure ; but rather a Stoic self-abnegation. Not that 
they were abstemious : they took their pleasures as strenu- 
ously as they took their labors, and feasted and drank 
prodigiously when occasion offered. But for the most part 
they lived hard and died hard ; there was little of luxury to 
corrupt them, and they scorned soft delights as a surrender 
to weakness. 

This life of ceaseless strife against unfriendly nature 
and hostile men was not alleviated by any hope of a happier 
future existence. 

"The present life of man, king, seems to me, in comparison of 
that time which is unknown to us, like to that swift flight of a sparrow 
through the room wherein you sit at supper in the winter, with your 
commanders and ministers, and a good fire in the midst, whilst the 
storms of rain and snow prevail abroad; the sparrow, I say, flying 
in at one door, and immediately out at another, whilst he is within, is 
safe from the wintry storm; but after a short space of fair weather, 
he immediately vanishes out of your sight, into the dark winter from 
which he had emerged. So this life of man appears for a short 
space, but of what went before, or what is to follow, we are utterly 
ignorant.'" 

'Beowulf, 11. 1384-1389. 'Bede, Ecclesiastical History. 



68 Studies in Language and Literature 

Thus spoke the Northumbrian councillor to his king, 
after hearing for the first time the Christian gospel which 
seemed to promise something for the future of which they 
had hoped nothing. Even Christianity did not greatly change 
the old spirit. Though a number of passages alluding to the 
Christian faith have been inserted in Beowulf, there is no at- 
tempt to alleviate the stern fatalism of the hero's last words : 

"Thou are end and remnant of all our race, 
the Waegmunding name. For Wyrd hath swept them, 
all my line, to the land of doom, 
earls in their glory: I after them go." 1 

The anticlimatical statement a few lines below, 

From his bosom fled 
his soul to seek the saint's reward,' 

is an obvious bit of patchwork. 

21. The Irish view of life was a less somber one. The 
Irish environment, the kindly climate of the Emerald Isle, 
was less harsh and unfriendly than that of the Germanic 
tribes among whom Beowulf arose. This acted favorably 
upon the Celtic temperament and made of them the people 
of indomitable cheerfulness that we still see. They were 
not, indeed, free from the fatalism which nearly all peoples 
seem to feel in some measure, but it had no such power 
over them as over the Germans. We find in their literature 
no parallels for the strikingly frequent allusions to Wyrd 
in the Anglo-Saxon poems, nor for the sense of evanescence 
and of impending destiny which pervades the latter. 

The Irish fatalism is illustrated in the geasa (gessa) 
or tabus of certain warriors. These were in the form of 
prohibitions laid (usually) upon a child at its birth by the 
gods or its parents. Geasa were laid upon Conaire by his 
father, the bird-god Nemglan. Cuchulainn likewise lays 



'Beowulf, 11. 2813-2816. 'Ibid., 11. 2819-2820. 



Ethnic Ideals of the British Isles 69 

geasa upon the son which is to be borne to him by Aife. When 
the gods are offended by Conaire they force him to break his 
geasa, which inevitably results in his death. 1 On the other 
hand, Connlaoch is destroyed by adherence to his geasa, for 
he refuses to tell his name to Cuchulainn and is slain by 
him.' 

By whom Cuchulainn's geasa were imposed is not ex- 
plained. The prohibition against eating hound's flesh had 
some relation to his name.' Before he has broken them he 
has fore-knowledge of the event : "Then was he certified that 
his gessa were destroyed, and his endowments perished." 
He says to Cathbad, " 'Henceforth is no more cause to guard 
my life : my span is ended, my gessa done away with.' "* 
His prophecy is fulfilled, he breaks his geasa and meets 
death. 

Prophecy, which implies the predestination of the fut- 
ure, is frequent in the Irish tales. It is notable that divina- 
tion plays no part in German legend. It was perhaps that 
the Germanic temperament was too unimaginative to con- 
ceive of fore-knowledge as possible. But it seems to be 
just this unknowableness which gives the German Wyrd 
its peculiar gloom and horror. Though knowledge of fate 
does not make its circumvention possible, it seems to rob 
it of its more terrible aspect. The Greeks and the Celts 
managed to be light-hearted in spite of their fatalism, as the 
Germans could not. 

Fate certainly did not weigh upon the Irish. They 
were not afraid to defy the wrath of the gods, as Cuchu- 
lainn did that of the Morrigu, 6 and were often successful in 
overcoming them, as he was." The Irish, indeed, were always 
upon easy terms with their gods. The Celtic pantheon was 
a numerous and a lively one, and much of Irish legend con- 
cerns the relations of the Tuatha de Danann with mortals. 



'MacCulloch, Celtic Mythology, (1918), pp. 75ff. 

S D' Arbois de Jubainville, Cours de litterature celtique, V, p. 52. 

*Hull, Cuchvllin Saga, p. 254. *Ibid., p. 106. 

'Ibid., p. 243. 'Ibid., p. 166. 



70 Studies in Language and Literature 

They loved them, married them, fought for or against them, 
and on the whole behaved very much like them. Seldom did 
their wrath entail such dire consequences as in Conaire's 
case. 

Among the examples of human intercourse with the 
gods are the many visits of men to the divine land. It is 
variously located — "in the sid, on a mysterious island, or 
beneath the waters ; or the gods create it on earth or pro- 
duce it by glamour to mortal eyes." 1 It is always de- ^ 
scribed as a beautiful plain, with glittering trees, filled with 
the sound of sweet music. There dwelt beautiful women 
who welcomed the mortal sojourner in their realm. There 
was no sin, nor sorrow, nor death, but all peace and happi- 
ness and immortal youth. A man might become immortal 
by dwelling there; though this was reserved for the few 
fortunate heroes. 

This Elysium was not identical with the paradise to 
which all looked forward after death. 3 The Celtic land of 
the dead was a subterranean kingdom, "in all respects a 
replica of this world, but . . . happier.'" Here the dead 
lived on in the body — the Celts had no conception of disem- 
bodied ghosts 4 — carrying on the pursuits, and enjoying the 
pleasures, of their earthly life, but without the troubles that 
had assailed them here. 

This conception of the blissful state of the dead was 
thought by the Romans to be the source of the recklessness 
of the Celts in battle. 6 It may, indeed, have had something 
to do with their gaiety in the face of death. When Cuchu- 
lainn went to his last battle, "he turned his back on Emania, 
and in joy and gladness, cheerful and void of care, went on 
his way; his weariness also, his delusion and his gloom 
passed from him." 6 The Germans were no less courageous 
than the Celts: Beowulf met death steadfast and unwaver- 
ing, — but it can hardly be said that he met it joyfully. 



'MacCulloch, Celtic Mythology, p. 114. 

'MacCulloch, Religion of the Ancient Celts, pp. 340 ff, 374 ff. 

'Ibid., p. 344. • 'Ibid., pp. 334 ff. 

'Ibid., p. 333. s Hull, Cuchultin Saga, p. 249. 



Ethnic Ideals of the British Isles 71 

Thus the Irish view of life is seen to be characterized 
by optimism. They found this world a pleasant one, with 
plenty of carousing, roystering, and fighting, and they looked 
forward to a similar but pleasanter life by and by when they 
should weary of battle and its hardships, and be ready for 
an eternity of ease and delight. There is something of the 
adolescent about this optimism. It is significant that Cuchu- 
lainn was not past his twenties when he fell. One can not 
imagine him growing old, as one can readily conceive 
Beowulf become a "hoary hero." Its youthfulness is the 
distinctive characteristic of the Celtic spirit, which sums 
up all the rest. 

22. Much that has been said of the Irish philosophy 
applies equally to the Welsh. They shared the Celtic con- 
ception of a happy land of the dead, as well as the Celtic 
fatalism with its attendant belief in prophecy. The Welsh 
had no geasa, and their fatalism is less pronounced than 
that of the Irish, appearing chiefly in connection with the 
divination of the future. 

One important Celtic belief which has not been men- 
tioned is the belief in the possibility of rebirth. This ap- 
pears in the Irish stories of Mongan and of Etain, and of 
the two swineherds in the Tain bo Cuailgne, and is elsewhere 
hinted at. But it is given great prominence in some of the 
Welsh mystical poems. It seems that the Celts did not hold 
a doctrine of universal transmigration, but only of its pos- 
sibility in the case of gods or certain mortals. 1 Taliessin is 
one of whom many transformations are related. In the in- 
troduction to the Battle of Godeu he gives a long account of 
his previous incarnations: 

I have been in a multitude of shapes, 

Before I assumed a consistent form. 

I have been a sword, narrow, variegated, 

I will believe when it is apparent. 

I have been a tear in the air, 

I have been the dullest of stars. 



'MacCulloch, Religion of the Ancient Celts, (1911), p. 348. 



72 Studies in Language and Literature 

I have been a word among letters, 

I have been a book in the origin. 

I have been the light of lanterns, 

A year and a half, 

I have been a continuing bridge, 

Over three score Abers. 

I have been a course, I have been an eagle, 

I have been a coracle in the seas: 

I have been a compliant in the banquet. 

I have been a drop in a shower; 

I have been a sword in the grasp of the hand: 

I have been a shield in battle. 

I have been a string in a harp, 

Disguised for nine years. 

In water, in foam. 

I have been sponge in the fire, 

I have been wood in the covert. 1 

A similar passage in Book of Taliessin, XXV, begins 

I have been a sow, I have been a buck, etc* 

In one of the poems in the rather late Romance of 
Taliesin, occurs a mystical account in which Christian con- 
ceptions are rather inconsistently mingled with the names 
of historical persons and of mythic Welsh deities: 

I was with my Lord in the highest sphere, 

On the fall of Lucifer into the depth of hell 

I have borne a banner before Alexander; 

I know the names of the stars from north to south; 

I have been on the galaxy at the throne of the Distribu- 
tor; 

I was in Canaan when Absolom was slain; 

I conveyed the Divine spirit to the level of the vale of 
Hebron ; 

I was in the court of Don before the birth of Gwydion. 

I was instructor to Eli and Anoc; 

I have been winged by the genius of the splendid crosier; 

I have been loquacious prior to being gifted with speech; 

I was at the place of crucifixion of the merciful Son of 
God; 

I have been three periods in the prison of Arianrod ; 

I have been the chief director of the work of the tower of 
Nimrod ; 

I am a wonder whose origin is not known. Etc* 



'Skene, Four Ancient Books of Wales, I, p. 276. 

'Ibid., I, p. 309. "Mabinogion, p. 273. 



Ethnic Ideals of the British Isles 73 

The Welsh mysticism took kindly to Christian doctrines, 
as may be seen by the frequency with which the latter were 
given poetic expression by the bards. There is a mystical 
exaltation in a poem addressed to the Trinity, beginning 

I will extol thee, the Trinity in the mysterious One, 
Who is One and Three, a Unity of one energy, 
Of the same essence and attributes, one God to be praised. 
I will praise Thee, great Father, whose mighty works are 

great; 
To praise Thee is just; to praise Thee is encumbent on me. 
The produce of poetry is the right of Eloi. 
Hail, glorious Christ! 
Father, and Son, and Spirit! Lord, 
God, Adonai! 1 

Taliessin's Song to the Great World gives a poetical account 
of his own creation, in which he adds a peculiarly beautiful 
touch to the ordinary mediaeval Christian conception : 

I will adore my Father, 

My God, my strengthener, 

Who infused through my head 

A Soul to direct me. 

Who has made for me in perception, 

My seven faculties. 

Of fire and earth. 

And water and air, 

And mist and flowers, 

And southerly wind." 

23. Christian is the philosophy of the Morte Darthur, 
yet not wholly Christian. There is an element of pagan 
fatalism in the destruction of Arthur by his son, Mordred, 
which is prophesied by Merlin before the child's birth.* 
Here is material for a tragedy on the Greek model, but 
mediaeval romance knew nothing of Nemesis. Fatalistic, 
too, though with no more than the usual fatalism which 
surrounds the demise of a hero, are the events leading up 



'Skene, Four Ancient Books of Wales, I, p. 511. 

'Ibid., I, p. 539. 

'Malory, Morte Darthur, I, p. 67. 



74 Studies in Language and Literature 

to the death of Arthur. Gawain comes back from the dead 
to warn him against fighting on the morrow :' truce is pro- 
claimed, but is broken by the accident of a serpent biting a 
knight upon the heel. 2 Here again we can imagine how 
fraught with significance these omens would be in the 
hands of a Sophocles, but the mediaeval mind had little 
regard for the dramatic possibilities of a situation. 

The Grail legend is the most purely Christian and medi- 
aeval part of the Arthurian romances. The mystical sig- 
nificance of the Grail, the ecstacy which came from its con- 
templation, the religious ardor with which the knights devo- 
ted themselves to its quest, — all are and could be the product 
of nothing else than the spirit of mediaeval Christianity. 

We see in the account of its first appearance all the 
mystery of an age which had unquestioning faith in mir- 
acles : 

And soo after vpon that to souper/ and euery knygt sette in his 
owne place as they were to fore hand Thenne anone they herd crakynge 
and cryenge of thunder that hem thought the place shold alle to 
dryve/ In the myddes of this blast entred a sonne beaume more 
clerer by seuen tymes than euer they sawe daye/ And al they were 
alyghted of the grace of the holy ghoost/ thenne beganne euery 
knyghte to behold other/ & eyther sawe other by their semyng-e fayrer 
than euer they sawe afore/ Not for thenne there was no knyght 
myghte speke one word a grete whyl/ and soo they loked euery man 
on other as they had ben dome/ Thenne ther entred in to the halle 
the holy graile couerd with whyte samyte/ but ther was none myghte 
see hit/ nor who bare hit/ And there was al the halle fulfylled with 
good odoures/ and euery knygt had suche metes and drynkes as he 
best loued in this world/ And whan the holy grayle had be borne 
thurgh the halle/ thenne the holy vessel departed sodenly that they 
wyst not where hit becam/ thenne had they alle brethe to speke/ And 
thenne the kynge yelded thankynges to god of his good grace that he 
sente them/ Certes said the kynge we oughte to thank oure lord 
ihesu gretely for that he hath shewed us this daye atte reuerence of 
this hyhe feest of Pentecost/* 



'Malory, Morte Darthur, I, p. 844. 
'Ibid., I, p. 845. 
'Ibid., I, p. 620. 



Ethnic Ideals of the British Isles 75 

The result of this mystic vision was that all the knights, 
following the example of Sir Gawain, vowed themselves to 
the quest of the Grail, to seek it till they should see it un- 
covered. Hard were the conditions to that achievement. 
"I warn yow playne," says the messenger of Nacien the 
hermit, "he that is not clene of his synnes/ he shalle not 
see the mysteryes of our lord Ihesu Cryste/"' Of all the 
Round Table there were but three to achieve it fully, — Sir 
Bors, Sir Perceval, and Sir Galahad. The last personifies 
the ascetic ideal of chivalry, as Launcelot and Tristram 
embody its ideal of courtly love. 

Arthur himself did not go upon the Grail quest, nor 
did he look upon it altogether with favor. The pure other- 
worldliness of the mystic spirit was not his: he saw only 
the prospective ruin of his earthly work in the breaking up 
of the Round Table, and mourned for it. 

Alias said kynge Arthur vnto sir Gawayn ye haue nyghe slayne 
me withe the avowe and promesse that ye haue made/ For thurgh 
you ye haue berefte me the fayrest felauship and the truest of knyght- 
hode that euer were sene to gyders in ony realme of the world/ For 
whanne they depart from hens I am sure/ they alle shalle neuer mete 
more in thys world/ for they shall dye many in the quest/ And soo it 
forthinketh me a lytel for I haue loued them as wel as my lyf wherfor 
hit shall greue me ryghte for the departcyon of this felauship/" 

From first to last, the Round Table is Arthur's most 
important achievement. It is the symbol and the type of 
the institution of chivalry. Chivalry owed its life, as all 
things human do, to a compromise, — a compromise between 
its asceticism and the spirit of the world in it. The real- 
ization of its own ascetic ideal would have meant its extinc- 
tion: hence the necessity of the compromise. None saw 
this more clearly than Arthur. He saw, too, that the 
value of an institution lies in its service to the world, espe- 
cially, perhaps, when that service is rendered by opposing 



'Malory, Morte Darthur, I, p. 621. 
'Ibid., I, p. 620. 



76 Studies in Language and Literature 

the world. He felt that the existence of the institution 
was more important than the attainment of the highest 
spiritual bliss by the individuals that composed it. 

In this he is opposed to the extreme tendencies of medi- 
aeval Christianity, representing its more reasonable aspect. 
And this is the philosophical significance of Arthur, — that he 
occupies the mean point, the compromise between mediaeval 
sensuousness and asceticism. After all, his is the life, of all 
those in the romances clustered about his name and his 
court, that seems, at least from our point of view, most 
worth living. It was a clean life, compared to most, yet 
a sane life, not given to excesses of self-denial more than 
of self-indulgence, a life of devotion to the common good, 
to the establishing in men's minds and lives of worthy ideals 
of conduct. What though he failed in the end? None 
achieves complete success. His was a noble endeavor, to 
which all must yield the tribute of admiration. 




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